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中国西北部黄土高原における廟会をめぐる社会交換と自律的凝集
https://doi.org/10.15021/00004122
https://doi.org/10.15021/0000412273aeedd5-94f4-4587-a88e-17acf6c7b7a6
名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
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Item type | 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1) | |||||||||||
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公開日 | 2010-02-16 | |||||||||||
タイトル | ||||||||||||
タイトル | 中国西北部黄土高原における廟会をめぐる社会交換と自律的凝集 | |||||||||||
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タイトル | “Miaohui” as Self Organization in Northwestern China in the post Mao Era | |||||||||||
言語 | en | |||||||||||
言語 | ||||||||||||
言語 | jpn | |||||||||||
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主題Scheme | Other | |||||||||||
主題 | 自律的凝集|動的構造|二者関係的社会交換|コミュニタス|凝集力の渦 | |||||||||||
キーワード | ||||||||||||
言語 | en | |||||||||||
主題Scheme | Other | |||||||||||
主題 | self-organization|dynamic structure|complimentary social exchange|communitas|swirl of cohesive nower | |||||||||||
資源タイプ | ||||||||||||
資源タイプ識別子 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||||||||
資源タイプ | departmental bulletin paper | |||||||||||
ID登録 | ||||||||||||
ID登録 | 10.15021/00004122 | |||||||||||
ID登録タイプ | JaLC | |||||||||||
著者 |
深尾, 葉子
× 深尾, 葉子
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抄録 | ||||||||||||
内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||||||||
内容記述 | 漢族社会における廟の持つ社会機能については多くの研究蓄積があるが,本 稿では1980年代以降中国西北部黄土高原で復活の著しい廟と廟の祭り(廟会) について,その社会的,歴史的意味を問う。廟は宗教的存在理由の他に,社会 的公益的な意味を持つが,それを支える人々の奉仕労働を個々の行為者と神と の社会的交換の結果として解釈し,同時にそうした個別の行為が集積される際 に,同地域の冠婚葬祭などの挙行とも共通する一定の互助モデルが働いている ことを指摘する。廟や廟の祭りは小さなものから数万人規模のものまでさまざ まであるが,それは「会長」の威信や神の評判によって常に変動する。こうし た活発で流動的な社会の凝集は同地域社会に1980年代以降出現した「渦」のう ねりのようなものとして捉え得る。 |
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抄録 | ||||||||||||
内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||||||||
内容記述 | After the collapse of the people's communes (Renmin Gongshe) in China's rural areas, we can observe many kinds of self-organization throughout the country. In Northern Shaanxi Province, the most prominent way of self-organization by local people was to establish Miaohui (Temple Associations) , which used to be very common in Chinese rural society before the Cultural Revolution. At the beginning of this article, different types of Miaohui are introduced in order to show that Miaohui does not merely function on the village level, it operates on various levels and with various sizes of community or social networks. Some Miaohui are maintained by donations and voluntary work contributed by patients who had medical treatment or took medicine from each Miao. Others are famous for their effectiveness in fertility or producing rain. It is important to note that the size of a Miaohui not stable but changing all the time through the reputation it earns from local people and also by the ability of the Huizhang — chairman — of each Miaohui. To be a good chairman, fairness and generosity are needed. The people's continuous talk about each Miaohui and its management is critical to the growth and longevity of each Miao . In the most prominent case of Heilong Temple, because of the emergence of talented Huizhang, the scale of the Miaohui changed drasticallyfr oma smalli nter-villagoen e intot he centralo ne of Northern Shaanxip rovince. Thisp henomenonc anb e explaineda s the emergence of a dynamics tructurei n this area aftert he releasef romd ominationd uring the Mao era. Looking back on the former studies on Miao in other Han-Chinese areas like Taiwan or; Hong Kong, continuous discussions are observed regarding the relationships between the size of local community and the range of the influential area of each Miao. In the earlier studies on this subject, spatial phases of Miao activities were rather stressed, but in later works it is pointed out that such spatial ranges are not always very clear and it is rather hard to set some boundaries on religious activities. Later studies try to watch Miao activities more functionally and dynamically, which means that the range of Miao activities are considered to be more changeable and multileveled. In the case of present day Miao in Northern Shaanxi, the same characters can be observed, maybe even accelerated because of the decline of Miao activity during the cultural revolution. In this article, analytical individualism is adopted in order to avoid treating Miao activities statically. Activities of Miao are seen as integrated results of each personal exchange between local people and Miao. I have not only analyzed the implications of personal exchange between Miao and these supporters, but also the process of integration of such exchanges into collective ones. Then the meaning of the annual Miao festivals, which are ordinarily held along with local operas, are examined. Then we find that the Miao festivals are functioning as cornmunitas for the local people who are participating in them. |
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書誌情報 |
国立民族学博物館研究報告 en : Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology 巻 23, 号 2, p. 321-357, 発行日 1998-12-21 |
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出版者 | ||||||||||||
出版者 | 国立民族学博物館 | |||||||||||
出版者(英) | ||||||||||||
出版者 | National Museum of Ethnology | |||||||||||
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収録物識別子タイプ | ISSN | |||||||||||
収録物識別子 | 0385-180X | |||||||||||
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収録物識別子タイプ | NCID | |||||||||||
収録物識別子 | AN00091943 | |||||||||||
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出版タイプ | VoR | |||||||||||
出版タイプResource | http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 |