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東部パイワン族の家族と親族 : ta-djaran（1つの路）の概念を中心として
https://doi.org/10.15021/00004635
https://doi.org/10.15021/000046350d88a5ae-1970-4c8d-be4e-8b141621b112
| 名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
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KH_001_3_002.pdf (14.8 MB)
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| Item type | 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1) | |||||||||||
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| 公開日 | 2010-02-16 | |||||||||||
| タイトル | ||||||||||||
| タイトル | 東部パイワン族の家族と親族 : ta-djaran（1つの路）の概念を中心として | |||||||||||
| タイトル | ||||||||||||
| タイトル | The Native Concept of Ta-djaran (one road) : A Study of Family and Kinship among the Eastern Paiwan of Formosa | |||||||||||
| 言語 | en | |||||||||||
| 言語 | ||||||||||||
| 言語 | jpn | |||||||||||
| 資源タイプ | ||||||||||||
| 資源タイプ識別子 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||||||||
| 資源タイプ | departmental bulletin paper | |||||||||||
| ID登録 | ||||||||||||
| ID登録 | 10.15021/00004635 | |||||||||||
| ID登録タイプ | JaLC | |||||||||||
| 著者 |
松澤, 員子
× 松澤, 員子
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| 抄録 | ||||||||||||
| 内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||||||||
| 内容記述 | This paper is based on field work carried out in two villages among the Eastern Paiwan from October to December 1971 and from July to September 1973. The Paiwan family and kinship have been studied by Japanese and Chinese scholars in prewar and postwar times. However, few of them have dealt with the family and kinship in relation to the whole social structure. Furthermore, the symbolic or ritual aspect of kinship behavior among the people has been neglected. The aim of this paper is to analyze the native concepts of kinship and kinship behavior among the people not only from a social-legal point of view but also from a symbolic-ritual one. 1) In general, the people employ two different terms for "family" : ta-tsukulan and ta-umagan. Ta-tsukulan literally means "a husband and wife couple" . It is extended to include not only the children living in the same house but also those who have married out, this referring to the "relationship between parents and children" (mar-alalak). On the other hand, taumagan, which means "one house", is a residential family group. It contains a husband and a wife with or without their children as the core, sometimes joined by kinsmen or non-kinsmen living under a single roof, while excluding the children who have married out. In both social and economic aspects, it functions as a basic unit of the society. The conceptual difference between tatsukulan and ta-umaqan is rather clearly recognized by the people : the former refers to a family as viewed from personal relation-ships and the latter as a residential group. 2) The first-born child, regardless of sex, is given a special status. Such a child is called vusam, which is primarily the word for millet seed. Among the Paiwan, millet is the ritual crop par excellence. It is believed that the spirit (tsumas) of millet dwells in the seed. Somewhat in parallel with this, the firstborn child (vusam) holds a special symbolic status. There is a custom of ritual gift presented to the eldest sibling from younger siblings. It is called mali-vusam (to seek vusam) in which the married-out siblings bring to the eldest sibling a bundle of the finest millet (also called vusam) selected from the annual harvest. The first-born child continues to dwell in the natal house along with the parents after marriage and inherits-legally at birth- the family property such as the usufruct of arable land, the house, iron tools, etc. Younger children either marry a first-born child (vusam) of other famliy or establish a new household by marrying some non-vusam. Such ways of kinship and marital relations, however, do not bring forth any institutional differentiation between a "stem family" and its "branch families", because an equal emphasis is laid on both male and female line in tracing kinship relations among the Paiwan. Accordingly, the "eldest side" and the "younger sides" for the husband and those for the wife do not coincide with each other, and each of them presents or receives the ritual gift mentioned according to their respective status, though both of them are responsible to operate their household as an economic and social unit. In these regards, the situation is very different from this in the case of the chief's family. 3) Each village-not necessarily each settlement-is under the ritual and secular authority of a single chief. The chief is called to-vusam (one millet seed). The villagers believe that they are genealogically related to the chief's family in some way or other, as expressed in such a word as ta-djaran (one road). By this term the villagers explain they have "descended" from the chief's family, ni-apulu (the root) and thus they are ta-djaran. Chart 8 indicates how the people of Coacoqo village recognize such genealogies. There is found a remarkable tendency in each generation to select some "intermediary" ancestor, among other ones, who was more closely related genealogically to the chief's family, along either male (husband's) or female (wife's) line. Therefore, ta-djaran would imply "stem-centric network of genealogical-multilineal lines." |
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| 書誌情報 |
国立民族学博物館研究報告 en : Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology 巻 1, 号 3, p. 505-536, 発行日 1976-10-30 |
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| 出版者 | ||||||||||||
| 出版者 | 国立民族学博物館 | |||||||||||
| 出版者（英） | ||||||||||||
| 出版者 | National Museum of Ethnology | |||||||||||
| ISSN | ||||||||||||
| 収録物識別子タイプ | ISSN | |||||||||||
| 収録物識別子 | 0385-180X | |||||||||||
| 書誌レコードID | ||||||||||||
| 収録物識別子タイプ | NCID | |||||||||||
| 収録物識別子 | AN00091943 | |||||||||||
| 著者版フラグ | ||||||||||||
| 出版タイプ | VoR | |||||||||||
| 出版タイプResource | http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 | |||||||||||
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Cite as
Matsuzawa, Kazuko, 1976, The Native Concept of Ta-djaran (one road) : A Study of Family and Kinship among the Eastern Paiwan of Formosa: 国立民族学博物館, 505–536 p.
