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カーリー女神の変貌 : スリランカ・タミル漁村における村落祭祀の研究
https://doi.org/10.15021/00004316
https://doi.org/10.15021/000043168fb58637-ab0b-42e5-9aca-238423f2d512
| 名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
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KH013_3_001.pdf (8.9 MB)
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| Item type | 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1) | |||||||||||
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| 公開日 | 2010-02-16 | |||||||||||
| タイトル | ||||||||||||
| タイトル | カーリー女神の変貌 : スリランカ・タミル漁村における村落祭祀の研究 | |||||||||||
| タイトル | ||||||||||||
| タイトル | Transformation of the Goddess Kali : An Anthropological Study of a Hindu Village Festival in a Tamil Fishing Village, Sri Lanka | |||||||||||
| 言語 | en | |||||||||||
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| 言語 | jpn | |||||||||||
| 資源タイプ | ||||||||||||
| 資源タイプ識別子 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||||||||
| 資源タイプ | departmental bulletin paper | |||||||||||
| ID登録 | ||||||||||||
| ID登録 | 10.15021/00004316 | |||||||||||
| ID登録タイプ | JaLC | |||||||||||
| 著者 |
田中, 雅一
× 田中, 雅一
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| 抄録 | ||||||||||||
| 内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||||||||
| 内容記述 | The aim of this article is to understand a Hindu village festival in terms of cosmological meanings and political functions. In the "Introduction" anthropological works on Hindu village festivals are reviewed first, and then a Kali goddess village festival, held at a Hindu fishing village on the western coast of Sri Lanka, is described and its rituals are interpreted. Finally three themes are considered in order to understand the village festival as a whole. These themes are, first, the construction of spatial categories such as the sea, village and forest; second, the cosmological opposition between Kali and evil spirits; and, last, the political domination of the village net-owners. The recent development of anthropological studies of Hindu village festivals is characterized by a shift from a structuralfunctionalist approach to symbolic analysis. In the former approach social functions of the festival are emphasized and "village solidarity" is considered to be realized through the participation of the villagers in the festival, whereas in the latter the cosmological dimension of the village festival is investigated and more attention is paid to symbols such as sound, color, images, and the like. It is said that the village festival provides a rare occasion on which a village is renewed through the intrusion of the sacred. However, both approaches tend to ignore the multi-dimensional character of the festival, especially its political functions, and explain it in terms of either group-solidarity or symbolism. It is argued that with some modifications Turner's concepts of "structure" and "anti-structure" are useful to the understanding of the political functions. The Kali goddess festival is held at her temple for ten days in the month of avani (September-October). This is the time when the goddess originally appeared in the village, which had been suffering from an epidemic, and saved the villagers. As it was Kali herself who had caused the epidemic, when she was properly worshipped and given due respect, the fatal disease was controlled. On the first day, a medium, who is possessed by Kali during the festival, makes three ritual pots, one karakam and two kumpampots. The karakam-pot is used for a village procession, while the kumpam-pots are placed in the sanctum sanctorum of the Kali temple. On the third, fifth and seventh day of the festival the medium goes into a trance in the sanctum sanctorum, places the karakam-pot on his head, and starts going around the village with his followers. Along the way villagers throw water to cool the medium's body. In exchange they receive margosa leaves and hang them on the fence around their houses. Hanging margosa leaves on the fence indicates that a household member is suffering from small-pox, whose pustule is, it is believed, visual evidence of possession by a small-pox goddess. Therefore, the karakam-pot procession is interpreted as the intrusion of an epidemic. The festival re-acts the original event in which Kali first appeared to the villagers and saved them from the epidemic. Kali represented as the karakam-pot is a goddess of epidemic. Accordingly the village is described as "a community of suffering" (Turner). On the tenth day a goat is sacrificed in front of the Kali goddess temple. With this sacrifice Kali is propitiated and her violent and feverish character is transformed into a calm and benevolent one. Then the ritual pots made on the first day are all thrown into the sea. Finally, Kali's brass-image is heavily decorated and is taken out from the temple for a village procession. Unlike the karakamprocession, it shows no reference to an epidemic disease. Rather, it symbolizes a joyful and triumphant occasion after the epidemiccum- divine has disappeared. When the brass-image comes back to the temple, puja (worship) is performed and pracada (sacralized offerings) are distributed to festival patrons. They are village net-owners and some wealthy men. From a structural-functionalist point of view the village festival enforces "village solidarity" by representing it as a community of suffering at the beginning and as a community of triumph over the epidemic at the end. During the festival the village is clearly demarcated by a series of processions. Symbolically, the village festival shows the transformation of Kali from a violent, epidemic-causing goddess into a benevolent, grace-conferring one. The villagers make every effort to cool down the goddess and propitiate her. Accordingly the village is renewed, as are the villagers. From a political point of view the festival legitimizes and constructs the politico-economic domination of a wealthy sector of the fishing village, especially the net-owners. The villagers are divided into two classes; net-owners and their employees. All the fishermen contribute to the village festival as village patrons, but it is only the net-owners (and wealthy persons) who are allowed to make additional contributions and, in exchange for these, they have exclusive rights in receiving prasada at the end of the festival. In a sense they only support the non-ecstatic (structural) phase characterized by the brass-image of Kali, and not the ecstatic (anti-structural) phase, which is to be denied at the end of the festival. They take over the collective effort of the villagers to transform Kali, and seem to say that, without their financial support, neither the village festival nor the transformation of the goddess would ever be possible. Thus it is through their contributions that the village is saved from the epidemic. |
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| 書誌情報 |
国立民族学博物館研究報告 en : Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology 巻 13, 号 3, p. 445-516, 発行日 1989-01-27 |
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| 出版者 | ||||||||||||
| 出版者 | 国立民族学博物館 | |||||||||||
| 出版者（英） | ||||||||||||
| 出版者 | National Museum of Ethnology | |||||||||||
| ISSN | ||||||||||||
| 収録物識別子タイプ | ISSN | |||||||||||
| 収録物識別子 | 0385-180X | |||||||||||
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| 収録物識別子タイプ | NCID | |||||||||||
| 収録物識別子 | AN00091943 | |||||||||||
| 著者版フラグ | ||||||||||||
| 出版タイプ | VoR | |||||||||||
| 出版タイプResource | http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 | |||||||||||
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Cite as
Tanaka, Masakazu, 1989, Transformation of the Goddess Kali : An Anthropological Study of a Hindu Village Festival in a Tamil Fishing Village, Sri Lanka: 国立民族学博物館, 445–516 p.
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