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18,19世紀におけるアムール川下流域の住民の交易活動
https://doi.org/10.15021/00004131
https://doi.org/10.15021/0000413112c1c361-bbc7-4305-8706-d7a4a5391839
| 名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
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KH_022_4_001.pdf (5.6 MB)
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| Item type | 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1) | |||||||||||||||
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| 公開日 | 2010-02-16 | |||||||||||||||
| タイトル | ||||||||||||||||
| タイトル | 18,19世紀におけるアムール川下流域の住民の交易活動 | |||||||||||||||
| 言語 | ja | |||||||||||||||
| タイトル | ||||||||||||||||
| タイトル | The Trade Activity of the Peoples of the Lower Amur Basin in the 18th and 19th Centuries | |||||||||||||||
| 言語 | en | |||||||||||||||
| 言語 | ||||||||||||||||
| 言語 | jpn | |||||||||||||||
| キーワード | ||||||||||||||||
| 主題Scheme | Other | |||||||||||||||
| 主題 | サンタン交易｜アムール川下流域｜樺太｜クロテン｜ウリチ｜ニヴフ | |||||||||||||||
| 資源タイプ | ||||||||||||||||
| 資源タイプ識別子 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||||||||||||
| 資源タイプ | departmental bulletin paper | |||||||||||||||
| ID登録 | ||||||||||||||||
| ID登録 | 10.15021/00004131 | |||||||||||||||
| ID登録タイプ | JaLC | |||||||||||||||
| 著者 |
佐々木, 史郎
× 佐々木, 史郎
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| 抄録 | ||||||||||||||||
| 内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||||||||||||
| 内容記述 | The purpose of this paper is to clarify the trade activity of the ancestors of the indigenous peoples of the Lower Amur Basin in the 18th and 19th centuries and to reexamine the discourse of their society and culture in classical ethnography. They have usually been described as hunters, fishermen, or collectors of wild plants in much ethnography since the late 19th century, and the primitiveness of their foraging life style, fishing and hunting techniques, and social structure has often been underlined by anthropologists, ethnologists, and historians. The policies of the former Soviet Union to rescue them from the poverty caused by their primitive level of production was based on such discourse of the scholars. However, were they really poor? Were their life style, culture, and society really primitive? Historical documents written by Japanese explorers and investigators in the 18th and 19th centuries, Mogami Tokunai, Mamiya Rinzo, Nakamura Koichiro, and so on, indicate that they had a highly sophisticated culture and a complex society. For example, modern ethnologists often underline the fact that the peoples of the Lower Amur were ichthyophagi, and that a piece of dried fish occupied the same position as a piece of bread in European meals. On the contrary, Japanese investigators said that their staple food was a cup of boiled millet, usually put in a small bowl of china or lacquer ware. Though ethnologists often described fish skin coats in detail, most of their clothes were made of cotton, and their ritual costumes were even made of silk. It is a fact that millet, cotton, silk, china, and lacquer ware were not their original products, but Chinese or Japanese ones which they obtained through trade with Chinese and Japanese. It is also a fact, however, that these things occupied an important position in their cultural complex. It is an injustice for researchers not to properly evaluate them and not to pay any attention to the trade activity. The trade activity of the ancestors of the peoples of the Lower Amur in the 18th and 19th centuries was called "Santan trade" by Japanese investigators of the same centuries. "Santan" was an ethnonym of the people of the Lower Amur, which had often been used as a name of the ancestors of the indigenous people of this region as a whole. It was Mamiya Rinzo who clarified who the Santan people were. In his investigation in 1809 and 1810 he found out that the Santan lived between the villages of "Uruge" (bIppH, later Russian village "MaxcrM Tojm cHA") and "Poru" Mon, later Ul'chi village "LlepxbIti Ap") , that they called themselves "Mango" (this is the same self denotation as "Mangguni") , and that their neighbors upstream along the river were called "Korudekke" (Goldok) and those downstream were called "Sumerenkuru". The range of habitation, the self denotation "Mango", and the linguistic materials indicate that the Santan people were ancestors of the Tungus-speaking peoples of the Lower Amur today, especially the Ul'chi (Olcha) and a part of the lower Nanai (Goldi) . The Santan trade has long been studied as a theme of historical studies of Northern Japan. However, though many facts have been clarified from the historical point of view, historians have long overlooked an important one namely that it was trade that kept the levels of life and culture of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin in the 18th and 19th centuries higher than those described in ethnography. This is because the historians could not evaluate the function and role of trade activity in the society and culture of the indigenous peoples, because their point of view was usually set not on the side of the indigenous traders, but on that of authors or editors of literary sources, who were often government bureaucrats. This paper is one of my experiments, in which I try to describe the historical events of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin such as the Santan trade from the point of view of those who were described in the literary sources. The final end of the experiments is a diachronic review of the society and culture of the peoples of this region, and I would like to sweep away such images as "primitive", "uncivilized" or "natural people" , created by anthropologists and ethnologists since the end of the 19th century. As a result of an examination of the historical literature of Japanese investigators, regional government archives of the Qing dynasty (the last dynasty of China) , reports of ethnological researches by Russian ethnologists, and my own field data, I can point out the following characteristics of the trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin: 1) The main peoples who were enthusiastically engaged in the Santan trade were the Santan and the Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the Amur Nivkh) , and some differences were apparent in their trading styles. For example, the Santan people did their business on the main traffic route of this region, which went from Lower Sungari to the southern end of Sakhalin through Amur and the western coast of Sakhalin, they played a role of mediator between Japanese and Chinese, and obtained a large profit from this business. On the contrary, the Sumerenkuru traders extended their business area to the tributaries of the Lower Amur, the coast of the sea of Okhotsk and the eastern coast of Sakhalin, and played a role of distributor of Chinese and Japanese commodities among the peoples of these areas. 2) Usually the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders did not fix a business place but often went round their customers, being engaged in sable hunting. However, the temporary branch office of the Qing dynasty, which was constructed at Kiji or Deren and opened every summer, often played the role of a periodical market, in which the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders did their business not only with Manchu officials and merchants but also with other indigenous traders. 3) The trading crew of Santan or Sumerenkuru traders consisted of several persons from a village led by a hala i da (chief of a clan) or gashan da (head of village) nominated by the Qing dynasty. 4) The conceptual classification of trade and tribute was recognized by the Santan and Sumerenkuru peoples. 5) Credit sale was the main custom of the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders in the 18th and 19th centuries. They applied it to trade with all customers without exception. The business with the Ainu, who, it was said, suffered from their debt to the Santan traders, was not a special one to cheat them of their property. 6) The trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin swung between trade and tribute (in other words, between economy and politics) , influenced by the change of political conditions of this region and the location of each people. 6-1) In the 18th century, when the administrative system of the Qing dynasty was under construction on the Lower Amur and Sakhalin, tribute was superior to trade, because the regional administration of the dynasty was enthusiastically intervening in the social life of the people to establish the sovereignty of the dynasty among them. After the end of the 18th century, however, when the dynasty was losing its political power over the people of this region, the position of trade and tribute was reversed. 6-2) The relation between trade and tribute was different among the people according to their location. I can classify them into three groups. The first is the people who lived on the main route of the trade, comparatively far from the regional centers of the countries (China and Japan) , i.e. the Santan and Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the Ul'chi and Amur Nivkh) . They could take advantage of their location to intensively conduct their trading business without administrative intervention. The second group is those who lived on the main route of the trade, near to the regional center of the countries, i.e. the Korudekke (the ancestors of the Nanai) and the Ainu. Their location was too close to the center to be free from the governmental power of the countries, though their status was higher than that of the people of the first group. It was more important for them to accomplish various obligations than to be engaged in free trade. The third group is those who lived far from both the main trade route and the regional center of the countries, i.e. the ancestors of the Sakhalin Nivkh, Uilta (Oroks) , Orochi, Negidars, and Evenki hunters. They were providers of fur and consumers of Chinese and Japanese products for the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders. 7) The prosperity of the Santan trade from the end of 18th century to the middle of the 19th century was held by the political and economic balance between China and Japan on Sakhalin, and the profits of the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders were much dependent on the difference in demand and prices between China and Japan. For example, there was a great demand for sable fur in China, and the Chinese and Manchu people paid much for it, while the Japanese were not interested in it at all and sold it to the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders much cheaper than in China. Therefore, their trade activity was fatally damaged by the destruction of this balance by the third power, imperial Russia. Though I could not completely carry out the second purpose of this paper, i.e. a reexamination of the ethnographic discourse of the society and culture of the people of the Lower Amur basin, I could make a first step in accomplishing it by clarifying the characteristics of their trade activity. I would like to make further steps in other papers, in which I will examine such problems as the political background of the Santan trade, the quality and quantity of the profit of the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders, methodological problems of historical studies of the indigenous people of this region, and so on. |
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| 書誌情報 |
国立民族学博物館研究報告 en : Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology 巻 22, 号 4, p. 683-763, 発行日 1998-03-31 |
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| 出版者 | 国立民族学博物館 | |||||||||||||||
| 出版者（英） | ||||||||||||||||
| 出版者 | National Museum of Ethnology | |||||||||||||||
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| 収録物識別子タイプ | ISSN | |||||||||||||||
| 収録物識別子 | 0385-180X | |||||||||||||||
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| 収録物識別子タイプ | NCID | |||||||||||||||
| 収録物識別子 | AN00091943 | |||||||||||||||
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| 出版タイプ | VoR | |||||||||||||||
| 出版タイプResource | http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 | |||||||||||||||
