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サンゴ礁の島における土地保有と資源利用の体系 : ミクロネシア，サタワル島の事例分析
https://doi.org/10.15021/00004430
https://doi.org/10.15021/000044305f9a522c-d4f2-4e85-913a-cbc4c0adc1c2
| 名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
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KH_009_2_001.pdf (11.1 MB)
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| Item type | 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1) | |||||||||||||
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| 公開日 | 2010-02-16 | |||||||||||||
| タイトル | ||||||||||||||
| タイトル | サンゴ礁の島における土地保有と資源利用の体系 : ミクロネシア，サタワル島の事例分析 | |||||||||||||
| タイトル | ||||||||||||||
| タイトル | Systems of Land Tenure and Resource Management on Satawal Island, Micronesia | |||||||||||||
| 言語 | en | |||||||||||||
| 言語 | ||||||||||||||
| 言語 | jpn | |||||||||||||
| 資源タイプ | ||||||||||||||
| 資源タイプ識別子 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||||||||||
| 資源タイプ | departmental bulletin paper | |||||||||||||
| ID登録 | ||||||||||||||
| ID登録 | 10.15021/00004430 | |||||||||||||
| ID登録タイプ | JaLC | |||||||||||||
| 著者 |
須藤, 健一
× 須藤, 健一
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| 抄録 | ||||||||||||||
| 内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||||||||||
| 内容記述 | Satawal island lies 1,000 km east of Yap and 500 km west of Truk. It is a raised coral island surrounded by a fringing reef that averages 50 m in width. In 1980 492 people lived on Satawal, in 86 household groups. The important kin group and unit of land holding in Satawalese society is the matrilineal lineage or clan (yayinang). As postmarital residence is uxorilocal, the residential group is the matrilocal extended family; several women (sisters), their daughters and their daughters' daughters with in-marrying husbands, unmarried sons and adopted children. Family members live in adjacent houses built on their lineage land and comprise a corporate group. This coresidential group is called pwukos (homestead). There are fifteen homesteads, the largest of which contains 12 households and 72 members [SUDO 1979]. Satawalese society is composed of eight matri-clans, which are strictly exogamous, ranked and have names. All clans are ranked based on the sequence of their arrival on the island. The three highest-ranking clans are thought of as the "original" clans, and are known as the "clans of chief." The other five are considered as the later immigrants and called the "clans of commoners." The eldest man of the senior line in the clans takes the status of clan chief. They control the clan lands and allocate lineage members plots of land. The heads of the three chiefly clans have authority to organize and initiate island or inter-island activities. They discuss and decide the important affairs of the island, such as communal fishing, ocean-going expeditions by sailing canoe, and sanctions to be imposed on a person. They have the right to call meetings and convey decisions to the islanders. They are also responsibile for controlling food resources. For example, they may place a taboo on the use of taro patches, coconut palms or a particular sea areas in times of scarcity. In this paper I attempt to clarify the nature of the relationship between social group and rights to real property; land. For this purpose it is necessary to answer the following questions. What aspects of the natural environment are categorized as real property? What kind of social unit is formed as the basis for land tenure? And how may a person or a descent group acquire, uphold and alienate several rights to land? [LUNDSGAARDE 1974: 286]. Therefore I consider land tenure as the way in which people obtain, use and distribute rights to land [CROCOMBE 1968: 1]. There are primarily 3 types of land (fanu) use on Satawal, pwukos (homestead), pwunik (coconut land) and pween (taro patches). pwukos is where coral pebbles are spread over the land and several dwelling houses and cooking huts are built. Pwunek is cleared lands mainly planted with coconuts (Cocos nucifera) and breadfruit trees (Artocarpus altilis). Pween is inland swamps planted to taro (Cyrtosperma chamissonis and Colocasia esculenta). The interior land holding of each matri-lineage (pwukos) fall roughly into 2 categories, rapinufanu (original or stem lands) and faangetofanu (incoming or given lands). Original lands are those which always have been held with the pwukos or lineage. Of the 322 land holdings sampled, 151 (46%) are considered "original pwukos lands." The remaining 54%, incoming lands, have changed hands for a variety of reasons, many having passed from pwukos to pwukos in a sequence of three or four transactions during the past 80 years. The main occasion for these transactions is either a marriage, child birth, or adoption of an infant. At marriage the lineage of the husband will give a plot of taro patch or coconut garden to the wife. These plots are called faangetofanu, (lit. "given land") and serve not only to ratify the marriage but also to provide mwongonumwaanireto (foods for in-marrying man: husband) and the woman's offspring. When a child is born the husband's lineage again gives some plots of land or several breadfruit trees to their child. Those properties given by the father's lineage are considered as mwongonuyafakur (food resources for the children of a lineage's male member) and held jointly by the children, and are distinguished from the properties of their own (mother's) lineage. They may decide to give them to another lineage, to which they marry out, by themselves. Thus in the Satawalese society, the smallest unit of land holding is a sibling set of a couple. The sibling set is obliged to occasionally contribute gifts of foods to the father's lineage when its members become sick or die, and to help for constructing the canoe and canoe house of father's lineage. The father's lineage holds potential rights to regain those properties when its male member's offsprings do not fulfil their duties forward it, or fail to care for these lands. The father's lineage has the residual right to "given lands" and its male member's children (yafaktur) have the right to use and dispose of them. On the other hand "original lands" (rapinufanu) of each lineage are owned by lineage members, and administered by the male head (somwoon) of lineage. Therefore, all lineage members may have the right to use these lands freely. However, male members of each lineage marry out and live in their wive's lineage land (pwukos). In everyday life they do not directly use their lineage's original lands. Instead the in-marrying men (their sister's or daughter's husbands) may use those lands to provide food to feed their sisters and their children. Lineage male members decide whether or not in-marrying men maintain those lands properly. After all they have the right to control their lineage's original lands. The in-marrying men have only use rights to them. Lastly the highest-ranking chief has the right to oversee the food resources of the island (mwongonu fanu). As mentioned above, he may regulate the use of taro patches and coconut palms in times of scarcity, especially when breadfruit is scarce, from November to March. Violators are punished by the chief. People are obliged to give the first breadfruit (mmanimaay) to the highest ranking chief. This custom is considered as token payment to the lineage of the first occupants on this island. To summarize, the land tenure system on Satawal is comprised of bundles of rights and duties to real property. The extreme right to oversee the island food resources is held by the highest-ranking chief. This I denote as the right of sovereignty. I classified the rights that arise in relation to real property into 4 types, the right to own, the right to control, the right to use, and the residual right. These rights are connected with the unit of land holding and the category of lands. Each lineage owns its original lineage lands (rapinufanu) and holds provisionally given land (faangetofanu). Lineage members are co- owners of the original lineage lands and have the right to use and dispose of them. After they give a plot of these lands to another lineage, out of which its male members married, they still keep the residual right to confiscate them. They also have the right to control their lineage's original lands. In-marrying male members may use their wive's original lineage lands. And the rights to given lands are held by a sibling set of same father. The members of a sibling set may use and dispose of the lands given from father's lineage. This use right accompanying the right to dispose is inherited patrilineally from lineage to lineage. A lineage's original lands serve to support the elementary lineage member's food resources and given lands serve to keep the balance between a lineage population and its food resources. The fieldwork on which this paper is based was conducted from June to September, 1978 and from May, 1979 to March, 1980. |
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| 書誌情報 |
国立民族学博物館研究報告 en : Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology 巻 9, 号 2, p. 197-348, 発行日 1984-08-31 |
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| 出版者 | ||||||||||||||
| 出版者 | 国立民族学博物館 | |||||||||||||
| 出版者（英） | ||||||||||||||
| 出版者 | National Museum of Ethnology | |||||||||||||
| ISSN | ||||||||||||||
| 収録物識別子タイプ | ISSN | |||||||||||||
| 収録物識別子 | 0385-180X | |||||||||||||
| 書誌レコードID | ||||||||||||||
| 収録物識別子タイプ | NCID | |||||||||||||
| 収録物識別子 | AN00091943 | |||||||||||||
| 著者版フラグ | ||||||||||||||
| 出版タイプ | VoR | |||||||||||||
| 出版タイプResource | http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 | |||||||||||||
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Cite as
須藤, 健一, 1984, Systems of Land Tenure and Resource Management on Satawal Island, Micronesia: 国立民族学博物館, 197–348 p.
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