@article{oai:minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp:00004438,
 author = {須藤, 健一 and Sudo, Ken'ichi},
 issue = {2},
 journal = {国立民族学博物館研究報告, Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology},
 month = {Aug},
 note = {Satawal island lies 1,000 km east of Yap and 500 km west of
Truk. It is a raised coral island surrounded by a fringing reef that
averages 50 m in width. In 1980 492 people lived on Satawal, in
86 household groups.
The important kin group and unit of land holding in Satawalese
society is the matrilineal lineage or clan (yayinang). As postmarital
residence is uxorilocal, the residential group is the matrilocal extended
family; several women (sisters), their daughters and their daughters'
daughters with in-marrying husbands, unmarried sons and adopted
children. Family members live in adjacent houses built on their
lineage land and comprise a corporate group. This coresidential
group is called pwukos (homestead). There are fifteen homesteads,
the largest of which contains 12 households and 72 members [SUDO
1979].
Satawalese society is composed of eight matri-clans, which are
strictly exogamous, ranked and have names. All clans are ranked
based on the sequence of their arrival on the island. The three
highest-ranking clans are thought of as the "original" clans, and are
known as the "clans of chief." The other five are considered as the
later immigrants and called the "clans of commoners." The eldest
man of the senior line in the clans takes the status of clan chief.
They control the clan lands and allocate lineage members plots of
land.
The heads of the three chiefly clans have authority to organize
and initiate island or inter-island activities. They discuss and
decide the important affairs of the island, such as communal fishing,
ocean-going expeditions by sailing canoe, and sanctions to be imposed
on a person. They have the right to call meetings and convey
decisions to the islanders. They are also responsibile for controlling
food resources. For example, they may place a taboo on the use of
taro patches, coconut palms or a particular sea areas in times of
scarcity.
In this paper I attempt to clarify the nature of the relationship
between social group and rights to real property; land. For this
purpose it is necessary to answer the following questions. What
aspects of the natural environment are categorized as real property?
What kind of social unit is formed as the basis for land tenure? And
how may a person or a descent group acquire, uphold and alienate
several rights to land? [LUNDSGAARDE 1974: 286]. Therefore I
consider land tenure as the way in which people obtain, use and
distribute rights to land [CROCOMBE 1968: 1].
There are primarily 3 types of land (fanu) use on Satawal,
pwukos (homestead), pwunik (coconut land) and pween (taro patches).
pwukos is where coral pebbles are spread over the land and several
dwelling houses and cooking huts are built. Pwunek is cleared lands
mainly planted with coconuts (Cocos nucifera) and breadfruit trees
(Artocarpus altilis). Pween is inland swamps planted to taro
(Cyrtosperma chamissonis and Colocasia esculenta).
The interior land holding of each matri-lineage (pwukos) fall
roughly into 2 categories, rapinufanu (original or stem lands) and
faangetofanu (incoming or given lands). Original lands are those
which always have been held with the pwukos or lineage. Of the
322 land holdings sampled, 151 (46%) are considered "original
pwukos lands." The remaining 54%, incoming lands, have changed
hands for a variety of reasons, many having passed from pwukos to
pwukos in a sequence of three or four transactions during the past
80 years. The main occasion for these transactions is either a
marriage, child birth, or adoption of an infant.
At marriage the lineage of the husband will give a plot of taro
patch or coconut garden to the wife. These plots are called
faangetofanu, (lit. "given land") and serve not only to ratify the
marriage but also to provide mwongonumwaanireto (foods for in-marrying
man: husband) and the woman's offspring. When a child
is born the husband's lineage again gives some plots of land or several
breadfruit trees to their child. Those properties given by the father's
lineage are considered as mwongonuyafakur (food resources for the
children of a lineage's male member) and held jointly by the children,
and are distinguished from the properties of their own (mother's)
lineage. They may decide to give them to another lineage, to which
they marry out, by themselves. Thus in the Satawalese society, the
smallest unit of land holding is a sibling set of a couple.
The sibling set is obliged to occasionally contribute gifts of foods
to the father's lineage when its members become sick or die, and to
help for constructing the canoe and canoe house of father's lineage.
The father's lineage holds potential rights to regain those properties
when its male member's offsprings do not fulfil their duties forward
it, or fail to care for these lands. The father's lineage has the residual
right to "given lands" and its male member's children (yafaktur) have
the right to use and dispose of them.
On the other hand "original lands" (rapinufanu) of each lineage
are owned by lineage members, and administered by the male head
(somwoon) of lineage. Therefore, all lineage members may have
the right to use these lands freely. However, male members of each
lineage marry out and live in their wive's lineage land (pwukos).
In everyday life they do not directly use their lineage's original lands.
Instead the in-marrying men (their sister's or daughter's husbands)
may use those lands to provide food to feed their sisters and their
children. Lineage male members decide whether or not in-marrying
men maintain those lands properly. After all they have the right to
control their lineage's original lands. The in-marrying men have
only use rights to them.
Lastly the highest-ranking chief has the right to oversee the food
resources of the island (mwongonu fanu). As mentioned above, he
may regulate the use of taro patches and coconut palms in times of
scarcity, especially when breadfruit is scarce, from November to
March. Violators are punished by the chief. People are obliged to
give the first breadfruit (mmanimaay) to the highest ranking chief.
This custom is considered as token payment to the lineage of the
first occupants on this island.
To summarize, the land tenure system on Satawal is comprised
of bundles of rights and duties to real property. The extreme right to
oversee the island food resources is held by the highest-ranking chief.
This I denote as the right of sovereignty. I classified the rights that
arise in relation to real property into 4 types, the right to own, the
right to control, the right to use, and the residual right. These rights
are connected with the unit of land holding and the category of lands.
Each lineage owns its original lineage lands (rapinufanu) and holds
provisionally given land (faangetofanu). Lineage members are co-
owners of the original lineage lands and have the right to use and
dispose of them. After they give a plot of these lands to another
lineage, out of which its male members married, they still keep the
residual right to confiscate them. They also have the right to control
their lineage's original lands. In-marrying male members may use
their wive's original lineage lands. And the rights to given lands
are held by a sibling set of same father. The members of a sibling
set may use and dispose of the lands given from father's lineage. This
use right accompanying the right to dispose is inherited patrilineally
from lineage to lineage. A lineage's original lands serve to support
the elementary lineage member's food resources and given lands serve
to keep the balance between a lineage population and its food resources.
The fieldwork on which this paper is based was conducted from June
to September, 1978 and from May, 1979 to March, 1980.},
 pages = {197--348},
 title = {サンゴ礁の島における土地保有と資源利用の体系 : ミクロネシア，サタワル島の事例分析},
 volume = {9},
 year = {1984},
 yomi = {スドウ, ケンイチ}
}