18,19世紀におけるアムール川下流域の住民の交易活動

C. , Сасаки; Sasaki, Shiro; 佐々木, 史郎; ササキ, シロウ

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18,19世紀におけるアムール川下流域の住民の交易活動

https://doi.org/10.15021/00004131

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KH_022_4_001.pdf (5.6 MB)

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紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1)

公開日

2010-02-16

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18,19世紀におけるアムール川下流域の住民の交易活動

言語

タイトル

The Trade Activity of the Peoples of the Lower Amur Basin in the 18th and 19th Centuries

言語

jpn

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主題

サンタン交易｜アムール川下流域｜樺太｜クロテン｜ウリチ｜ニヴフ

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http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501

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departmental bulletin paper

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10.15021/00004131

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JaLC

著者

佐々木, 史郎

ru	C. , Сасаки
en	Sasaki, Shiro
ja	佐々木, 史郎
ja-Kana	ササキ, シロウ

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Abstract

内容記述

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the trade activity of the
ancestors of the indigenous peoples of the Lower Amur Basin in the 18th
and 19th centuries and to reexamine the discourse of their society and
culture in classical ethnography. They have usually been described as
hunters, fishermen, or collectors of wild plants in much ethnography
since the late 19th century, and the primitiveness of their foraging life
style, fishing and hunting techniques, and social structure has often been
underlined by anthropologists, ethnologists, and historians. The
policies of the former Soviet Union to rescue them from the poverty caused
by their primitive level of production was based on such discourse of
the scholars.
However, were they really poor? Were their life style, culture, and
society really primitive? Historical documents written by Japanese explorers
and investigators in the 18th and 19th centuries, Mogami
Tokunai, Mamiya Rinzo, Nakamura Koichiro, and so on, indicate that
they had a highly sophisticated culture and a complex society. For example,
modern ethnologists often underline the fact that the peoples of the
Lower Amur were ichthyophagi, and that a piece of dried fish occupied
the same position as a piece of bread in European meals. On the contrary,
Japanese investigators said that their staple food was a cup of boiled
millet, usually put in a small bowl of china or lacquer ware. Though
ethnologists often described fish skin coats in detail, most of their
clothes were made of cotton, and their ritual costumes were even made
of silk. It is a fact that millet, cotton, silk, china, and lacquer ware were
not their original products, but Chinese or Japanese ones which they
obtained through trade with Chinese and Japanese. It is also a fact,
however, that these things occupied an important position in their
cultural complex. It is an injustice for researchers not to properly
evaluate them and not to pay any attention to the trade activity.
The trade activity of the ancestors of the peoples of the Lower Amur
in the 18th and 19th centuries was called "Santan trade" by Japanese investigators
of the same centuries. "Santan" was an ethnonym of the people
of the Lower Amur, which had often been used as a name of the
ancestors of the indigenous people of this region as a whole. It was
Mamiya Rinzo who clarified who the Santan people were. In his investigation
in 1809 and 1810 he found out that the Santan lived between
the villages of "Uruge" (bIppH, later Russian village "MaxcrM
Tojm cHA") and "Poru" Mon, later Ul'chi village "LlepxbIti Ap") , that
they called themselves "Mango" (this is the same self denotation as
"Mangguni") , and that their neighbors upstream along the river were
called "Korudekke" (Goldok) and those downstream were called
"Sumerenkuru". The range of habitation, the self denotation "Mango",
and the linguistic materials indicate that the Santan people were
ancestors of the Tungus-speaking peoples of the Lower Amur today,
especially the Ul'chi (Olcha) and a part of the lower Nanai (Goldi) .
The Santan trade has long been studied as a theme of historical
studies of Northern Japan. However, though many facts have been
clarified from the historical point of view, historians have long overlooked
an important one namely that it was trade that kept the levels of life
and culture of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin in the 18th
and 19th centuries higher than those described in ethnography. This is
because the historians could not evaluate the function and role of trade
activity in the society and culture of the indigenous peoples, because
their point of view was usually set not on the side of the indigenous
traders, but on that of authors or editors of literary sources, who were
often government bureaucrats.
This paper is one of my experiments, in which I try to describe the
historical events of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin such as
the Santan trade from the point of view of those who were described in
the literary sources. The final end of the experiments is a diachronic
review of the society and culture of the peoples of this region, and I
would like to sweep away such images as "primitive", "uncivilized" or
"natural people"
, created by anthropologists and ethnologists since the
end of the 19th century.
As a result of an examination of the historical literature of Japanese
investigators, regional government archives of the Qing dynasty (the last
dynasty of China) , reports of ethnological researches by Russian
ethnologists, and my own field data, I can point out the following
characteristics of the trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amur
and Sakhalin:
1) The main peoples who were enthusiastically engaged in the Santan
trade were the Santan and the Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the Amur
Nivkh) , and some differences were apparent in their trading styles. For
example, the Santan people did their business on the main traffic route of
this region, which went from Lower Sungari to the southern end of
Sakhalin through Amur and the western coast of Sakhalin, they played a
role of mediator between Japanese and Chinese, and obtained a large
profit from this business. On the contrary, the Sumerenkuru traders extended
their business area to the tributaries of the Lower Amur, the coast
of the sea of Okhotsk and the eastern coast of Sakhalin, and played a
role of distributor of Chinese and Japanese commodities among the
peoples of these areas.
2) Usually the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders did not fix a business
place but often went round their customers, being engaged in sable hunting.
However, the temporary branch office of the Qing dynasty, which
was constructed at Kiji or Deren and opened every summer, often played
the role of a periodical market, in which the Santan and Sumerenkuru
traders did their business not only with Manchu officials and merchants
but also with other indigenous traders.
3) The trading crew of Santan or Sumerenkuru traders consisted of
several persons from a village led by a hala i da (chief of a clan) or
gashan da (head of village) nominated by the Qing dynasty.
4) The conceptual classification of trade and tribute was recognized by
the Santan and Sumerenkuru peoples.
5) Credit sale was the main custom of the Santan and Sumerenkuru
traders in the 18th and 19th centuries. They applied it to trade with all
customers without exception. The business with the Ainu, who, it was
said, suffered from their debt to the Santan traders, was not a special one
to cheat them of their property.
6) The trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin
swung between trade and tribute (in other words, between economy and
politics) , influenced by the change of political conditions of this region
and the location of each people.
6-1) In the 18th century, when the administrative system of the Qing
dynasty was under construction on the Lower Amur and Sakhalin,
tribute was superior to trade, because the regional administration of the
dynasty was enthusiastically intervening in the social life of the people to
establish the sovereignty of the dynasty among them. After the end of
the 18th century, however, when the dynasty was losing its political
power over the people of this region, the position of trade and tribute
was reversed.
6-2) The relation between trade and tribute was different among the people
according to their location. I can classify them into three groups.
The first is the people who lived on the main route of the trade, comparatively
far from the regional centers of the countries (China and
Japan) , i.e. the Santan and Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the Ul'chi
and Amur Nivkh) . They could take advantage of their location to intensively
conduct their trading business without administrative intervention.
The second group is those who lived on the main route of the
trade, near to the regional center of the countries, i.e. the Korudekke
(the ancestors of the Nanai) and the Ainu. Their location was too close
to the center to be free from the governmental power of the countries,
though their status was higher than that of the people of the first group.
It was more important for them to accomplish various obligations than
to be engaged in free trade. The third group is those who lived far from
both the main trade route and the regional center of the countries, i.e.
the ancestors of the Sakhalin Nivkh, Uilta (Oroks) , Orochi, Negidars,
and Evenki hunters. They were providers of fur and consumers of
Chinese and Japanese products for the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders.
7) The prosperity of the Santan trade from the end of 18th century to the
middle of the 19th century was held by the political and economic
balance between China and Japan on Sakhalin, and the profits of the
Santan and Sumerenkuru traders were much dependent on the difference
in demand and prices between China and Japan. For example, there
was a great demand for sable fur in China, and the Chinese and Manchu
people paid much for it, while the Japanese were not interested in it at all
and sold it to the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders much cheaper than in
China. Therefore, their trade activity was fatally damaged by the
destruction of this balance by the third power, imperial Russia.
Though I could not completely carry out the second purpose of this
paper, i.e. a reexamination of the ethnographic discourse of the society
and culture of the people of the Lower Amur basin, I could make a first
step in accomplishing it by clarifying the characteristics of their trade activity.
I would like to make further steps in other papers, in which I will
examine such problems as the political background of the Santan trade,
the quality and quantity of the profit of the Santan and Sumerenkuru
traders, methodological problems of historical studies of the indigenous
people of this region, and so on.

書誌情報

国立民族学博物館研究報告
en : Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology

巻 22, 号 4, p. 683-763, 発行日 1998-03-31

出版者

国立民族学博物館

出版者（英）

出版者

National Museum of Ethnology

ISSN

収録物識別子タイプ

ISSN

収録物識別子

0385-180X

書誌レコードID

収録物識別子タイプ

NCID

収録物識別子

AN00091943

著者版フラグ

出版タイプ

VoR

出版タイプResource

http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85

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佐々木, 史郎, 1998, 18,19世紀におけるアムール川下流域の住民の交易活動: 国立民族学博物館, 683–763 p.

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18,19世紀におけるアムール川下流域の住民の交易活動

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