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リオ族における農耕儀礼の記述と解釈
https://doi.org/10.15021/00004280
https://doi.org/10.15021/000042806f64e769-3a77-44d5-bab2-4e9d5113fd02
| 名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
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KH015_3_001.pdf (21.0 MB)
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| Item type | 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1) | |||||
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| 公開日 | 2010-02-16 | |||||
| タイトル | ||||||
| タイトル | リオ族における農耕儀礼の記述と解釈 | |||||
| タイトル | ||||||
| タイトル | Description and Interpretation of the Lionese Agricultural Rituals | |||||
| 言語 | en | |||||
| 言語 | ||||||
| 言語 | jpn | |||||
| 資源タイプ | ||||||
| 資源タイプ識別子 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||
| 資源タイプ | departmental bulletin paper | |||||
| ID登録 | ||||||
| ID登録 | 10.15021/00004280 | |||||
| ID登録タイプ | JaLC | |||||
| 著者 |
杉島, 敬志
× 杉島, 敬志 |
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| 抄録 | ||||||
| 内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||
| 内容記述 | The Lionese are an ethnolinguistic group numbering approximately 150,000 who inhabit the central part of Flores, Eastern Indonesia. The population of this region is divided into numerous traditional domains (tans). These were autonomous political units until early in this century. The data on which the present study is based were collected during my field research conducted from May 1983 to March 1985 in Tana Lise, one of these traditional Lionese domains. The Lionese economy remains a subsistence one, dependent on the slash-and-burn or swidden cultivation of rice, maize, cassava, sweet potatoes, and various vegetables. Recently cash crops such as coffee, cloves, and cacao have been introduced in mountainous areas, and irrigated paddy fields are found in flatland in the mountains and near the coast. It is only the swidden agriculture with which multiple and complex agricultural rituals are interwoven. These rituals appear to be symbolic behavior apparently related to a cosmology or world view. But the Lionese people do not know and cannot explain the symbolic meaning paired with the rituals by a semiological code. They answered my questions about the meaning or purpose of the rituals in a general way by saying 'It is our custom' or 'We must perform it that way.' Accordingly, these agricultural rituals are rule-following behavior rather than symbolic behavior. If this is the case, is it then impossible to advance the scientific study of these rituals beyond a mere description of them? My answer is 'no,' because in many cases the Lionese agricultural rituals can be interpreted relevantly. Therefore we can proceed from simple description to a fairly detailed interpretation of these rituals. The aim of this study is to describe the Lionese agricultural rituals in detail and to investigate the cultural representation of agricultural rituals (i.e. interpretations devised by the Lionese themselves concerning their agricultural rituals) by means of the concept of relevance developed by Dan Sperber and Deirdre Wilson [SPERBER and WILSON 1986]. After the exposition of a theoretical framework in the introduction of this study, three sections follow. In section one, there is undertaken a description and analysis of the knowledge and beliefs concerning social organization, crops, deities, and the settings for these agricultural rituals such as the ceremonial house, the village and the garden. These will furnish the background knowledge or 'context' for interpreting the agricultural rituals. In section two, an exhaustive description is presented of all the agricultural rituals, together with the agricultural practice, seasonal changes in natural phenomena, and the annual cycle of 'seasonal beliefs,' such as the visitation of moro nggele (mysterious head hunters from overseas) and mitleik e (dreadful witches from the east end of Flores), the coming of balu re' e (season of disease and death), and the occurrence of tana watu gaka (Mother Earth crying for the golden treasure kept in the ceremonial house). In part one of section three, by amplifying the discussion of section one, the agricultural rituals are interpreted by means of investigating the contexts that make them relevant. According to the cultural representation of the agricultural rituals that emerges from this investigation, the crops are the wives given to (male) human beings from Mother Earth and Father Heaven, while the agricultural cycle is the life cycle of the daughters of these deities. In the next part of this section, it is shown that the seasonal beliefs are a set of images implied by the cultural representation of the agricultural rituals. In parts three and four of section three, the following problems are discussed. The people of Tana Lise are not given equal status in the cultural representation of the agricultural rituals. Or, more correctly, through participating in the agricultural rituals, they are differentiated into chiefs near to the deities and those far from them. Tana Lise is subdivided into a number of semi-autonomous subdomains (maki) ruled by a chief. The chief, as the person near to the deities in each maki, exercises various powers, and some of these chiefs do the same thing at the domain level. Accordingly, the rules of agricultural rituals (i.e. the rules which the people obey when performing the agricultural rituals) or the agricultural rituals themselves as rule-following behavior, work in the same way as the 'power-conferring rules' or the 'secondary rules' defined by H. L. A. Hart [HART 1961]. Finally, in the conclusion of this study, a brief discussion centers on the reason why the Lionese people restrict their comments to the rules of the agricultural rituals and are silent on the cultural representation of the agricultural rituals. As Ivo Strecker pointed out, no anthropological theory has so far answered this problem satisfactorily [STRECKER 1988:203]. In my view, it is important to recognize that the Lionese agricultural rituals are rule-following behavior in order to understand this problem. The rules of these agricultural rituals are simply accepted by the people holding to an 'internal point of view' (the viewpoint of 'the group which accepts and uses rules as guides to conduct' [HART 1961:86]). I suggest as a possible hypothesis that their silence on the cultural representation of their agricultural rituals is derived from holding to an internal point of view, and maintaining silence on the cultural representation of them has the effect of making the rules of these agricultural rituals function in the same way as the 'representations in quotes' defined by Sperber [SPERBER 1975:99-106]. |
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| 書誌情報 |
国立民族学博物館研究報告 en : Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology 巻 15, 号 3, p. 573-846, 発行日 1991-03-18 |
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| 出版者 | ||||||
| 出版者 | 国立民族学博物館 | |||||
| 出版者（英） | ||||||
| 出版者 | National Museum of Ethnology | |||||
| ISSN | ||||||
| 収録物識別子タイプ | ISSN | |||||
| 収録物識別子 | 0385-180X | |||||
| 書誌レコードID | ||||||
| 収録物識別子タイプ | NCID | |||||
| 収録物識別子 | AN00091943 | |||||
| 著者版フラグ | ||||||
| 出版タイプ | VoR | |||||
| 出版タイプResource | http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 | |||||
