記憶装置としての名前 : セントラル・サン（|Guiと||Gana）における個人名の民族誌

菅原, 和孝; スガワラ, カズヨシ; Sugawara, Kazuyoshi

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記憶装置としての名前 : セントラル・サン（|Guiと||Gana）における個人名の民族誌

https://doi.org/10.15021/00004150

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KH_022_1_001.pdf (5.9 MB)

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紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1)

公開日

2010-02-16

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記憶装置としての名前 : セントラル・サン（|Guiと||Gana）における個人名の民族誌

タイトル

A Name as a Mnemonic Device : An Ethnographic Study of Personal Names among the Central San（|Gui and ||Gana)

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グイ/ガナ・サン｜カデ地域｜社会的葛藤｜指示｜共同的記憶

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Gui and

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Gana San｜Xade area｜social conflict｜reference｜communal

資源タイプ

資源タイプ識別子

http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501

資源タイプ

departmental bulletin paper

ID登録

10.15021/00004150

ID登録タイプ

JaLC

著者

菅原, 和孝

	菅原, 和孝
ja-Kana	スガワラ, カズヨシ
en	Sugawara, Kazuyoshi

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Abstract

内容記述

This paper investigates the naming convention of the I Guikhoe and
||Ganakhoe San (abbreviated as |Gui/||Gana) , inhabiting the Xade area
in the mid western part of the Central Kalahari Game Reserve,
Botswana. In |Gui/||Gana society, newborn babies are most usually
named by their father, or less frequently by their mother or other
kinsmen, after some conspicuous incident which occurred during
pregnancy or infancy. The primary purpose of this investigation is to
elucidate the social, cultural, and historical contexts underlying the personal
names, by analyzing the anecdotes from which they were derived.
In order to prepare the theoretical background, semiotic and
philosophical arguments about proper names are briefly reviewed.
Agreeing with the "causal scheme of reference" proposed by Kripke, I
wish to emphasize the following 2 points as the most basic conditions
under which a proper name functions as a "rigid designator" that refers
to the same individual in every possible world: (a) An individual is
perceived as a discrete unit, and (b) The name is given by the other (s)
to this unit. More specifically, for the anthropological investigation of
personal names, it is useful to distinguish the following three aspects.
(a) The denotation of a name: often accompanied with some qualifier, it
necessarily refers to an individual. ((3) The signifying function of a
name: So far as it is composed of various grammatical particles, or lexemes,
it has a literal meaning. (r) The connotation of a name: in the
whole set of names specific to any society, each one, being opposed to the
others, might have some positional value in the structure.
A quantitative analysis was carried out of cases collected from 202
persons (94 males and 108 females) . Six age brackets were distinguished;
Old, Middle, Adult, Young adult, Adolescent, and Juvenile.
Most of those belonging to the last bracket were born after the enforcement
of the Remote Area Development Programme starting in 1979,
which promoted sedentarization. Near 70 percent of those in this
bracket had names of Setswana origin. This indicates that the traditional
|Gui/||Gana naming practice of their own language is now under a
rapid process of extinction. Those names for which the original
Setswana words could not be ascertained were excluded from the following
analysis. Thus the names of 167 persons, including only 2 pairs with
the same name, were analyzed in detail.
The anecdotes after which these 167 persons had been named were
classified into the following types; (1 ) circumstances of the marriage,
(2) the physical condition of the mother during the prenatal or
neonatal periods, (3) conflict derived from extra-marital sexual relationships
called 'zaaku,' (4) other kinds of conflict between husband and
wife, (5) social conflict, (6) economic conflict, (7) relationship with
the Bakgalagadi agro-pastoralists (` + kebe') , (8) hunting/gathering,
(9) the name of land, (10) sociability, and (11) the appearance or
physical condition of the infant. Type (3) included the most frequent
cases, which indicates the special significance of the 'zaaku' relationship
for the social life of the |Gui/||Gana. More than 40 percent of the total
cases could be categorized into the broader class of "conflict" that includes
types (3 )—( 6) . This point suggests that the primary signifying
function of the |Gui/||Gana names is to encode negative insinuations
targeting one's conjugal partner, kinsmen, or co-residents. Examining
the distribution of the above types of anecdote among the age brackets,
type (7), i.e., the relationship with the Bakgalagadi, was significantly frequent
in the Old/Middle bracket. This reflects the more memorable
nature of contact with the Bantu agro-pastoralists more than half a century
ago compared to recent times.
The process of naming was analyzed over a span of time after the
birth of a child. This analysis revealed that the name was not determined
by an arbitrary decision of the father or mother, but gradually
negotiated through communal interpretation of the social context in
which its birth had been embedded. Several cases of naming were
scrutinized over the course of the life history of a few old male informants.
Especially, the narrative by an old I Gui man supplied evidence
that the |Gui/||Gana had maintained a reciprocal relationship with
another San linguistic group, the Eastern + Hoa, seeking refuge in each
other's territory in severe drought.
The investigation was also directed at the various ways in which people
referred to or addressed one another in everyday conversation. As
the most personal names of the |Gui/||Gana are composed of common
nouns and verbs, the literal meaning of each name cannot help being
evoked at each usage for reference. Therefore the encoded content of a
name is open to the possibility of re-interpretation which may not
necessarily coincide with the original context of naming. As practical
devices for reference, nicknames are most common between joking partners,
while teknonymy, "father/mother of X (the name of the first
child) ," is preferred to the personal name when addressing an adult.
This naming custom among the |Gui/||Gana stands in sharp contrast
to the "homonymous method" and "name relationship" among the !Kung
San. According to the terminology proposed by A. Deguchi, these two
San groups respectively exemplify opposite poles of a naming system,
"differentiation" and "iteration ." The discussion concentrates on how
the !Kung and the | Gui/||Gana make use of this specific symbolic
resource, the personal name. The !Kung make best use of this resource
to manipulate ongoing social relationships, while the |Gui/||Gana,
through the process of naming, interpret and/or understand personal experience
in a specific socio-cultural context, so as to communally
memorize and memorialize this interpretation and/or understanding.
In this sense, the naming custom of the |Gui/||Gana embodies a unique
mnemonic device. Although a similar naming system is very common
among various Bantu cultures, including Tswana, the peculiar feature of
the |Gui/||Gana is that the kinds of name are quite divergent, resulting
in a low proportion of "the same name." It is concluded that this
divergence reflects the most essential characteristics of the everyday field
of | Gui/||Gana discourse, where naming is contiguous with ordinary
speech.

書誌情報

国立民族学博物館研究報告
en : Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology

巻 22, 号 1, p. 1-92, 発行日 1997-08-29

出版者

国立民族学博物館

出版者（英）

出版者

National Museum of Ethnology

ISSN

収録物識別子タイプ

ISSN

収録物識別子

0385-180X

書誌レコードID

収録物識別子タイプ

NCID

収録物識別子

AN00091943

著者版フラグ

出版タイプ

VoR

出版タイプResource

http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85

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記憶装置としての名前 : セントラル・サン（|Guiと||Gana）における個人名の民族誌

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