@article{oai:minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp:00004593, author = {祖父江, 孝男 and 大給, 近達 and 中村, 俊亀智 and 大塚, 和義}, issue = {2}, journal = {国立民族学博物館研究報告, Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology}, month = {Sep}, note = {Study of anthropology in Japan was started in the 1880's by Shogoro Tsuboi, the first professor of anthropology at the University of Tokyo. Professor Tsuboi was interested in archaeology and material culture related to folk-customs in Japan. He also undertook an extensive study of changing patterns of clothing, under the contemporary impact of western culture. Later, together with his successor, Ryuzo Torii, Professor Tsuboi did fieldwork in Northern and other parts of Asia, where their interests embraced a balanced mix of archaeology, ethnography and material culture. Another important figure in Japanese anthropology is Keizo Shibusawa, a businessman and, soon after the World War II, a Minister of Finance. In 1921 he established a small private museum, the "Attic Museum", in his own home. Mr. Shibusawa and his group collected and studied straw sandals and hats, clothes and various kinds of utensils traditionally used by Japanese peasants. During the 1920's, this group greatly accelerated the study of material culture, and their method gradually became the basic orientation for the field. It should be noted, however, that their interest was focused only on the geographical distribution of each item, and did not extend to the holistic study of the cultural context. As a result, the study of material culture was somewhat isolated from the mainstream of anthropology which had focused on social and kinship organization and ethnohistory among other things. This situation exists even today, and most anthropologists in Japan are little inclined to study material culture. Consequently, the authors emphasize that material culture should be studied from the "functionalistic" perspective, within a holistic framework. Hence the structural analysis of the relationship between man and material culture should be a basic subject, and the influence of material culture on man should also be carefully studied as an important topic in this changing society. In Japan, for example, the disappearance of the irori, or traditional hearth on the floor of rural houses, resulted in the destruction of the strictly institutionalized seating arrangements around the hearth, thereby accelerating the change of interpersonal relationships within the family. Among other aspects emphasized by the authors are the importance of understanding the "folk system", in addition to "analytical system" of technology, for example, the need for census study of a large sample of a single artifact in order to trace individual variations within a community; and the urgent need to include automobiles, refregerators, and other modern devices in the analysis and understanding of the present-day folk-life both in city and village. The discussion is elaborated with examples drawn from three pieces of research that the authors recently undertook : Ohtsuka's study of fishing communities in Hokkaido, which emphasizes the existence of individual variations of fishing implements within a community and the relationship with each fisherman's skill and habit; Nakamura's study of the classification and distribution of hoes among agricultural villages in flatland areas; and Ogyu's field survey of recent changes in the material culture of Akiyama, long famous as one of the most isolated mountain village regions in central Japan, but which, since about 1970, has been rapidly changing under the influence of tourism.}, pages = {280--336}, title = {物資文化研究の方法をめぐって}, volume = {3}, year = {1978}, yomi = {ソフエ, タカオ and オギュウ, チカサト and ナカムラ, シュンキチ (タカオ) and オオツカ, カズヨシ} }