@article{oai:minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp:00004511,
 author = {秋道, 智彌 and Akimichi , Tomoya},
 issue = {1},
 journal = {国立民族学博物館研究報告, Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology},
 month = {Mar},
 note = {This paper describes native lore and associated cultural values
pertaining to fish on Satawal Island, a small coral island in Micronesia.
First, data on the native classification system of fish domains
is presented; second, the way in which given named and covert categories
of fish bear certain cultural codes, and how these codes relate
to and affect both individuals and the populations of the island is
described; and third, the status of anomalous animals such as sharks,
stingrays, porpoises is clarified considering Satawalese conceptions
and transactions.
Like other coral islanders in the Pacific, the Satawalese depend
largely on marine resources as to provide animal protein. However,
not all aquatic resources have prior cognition as food and nor are all
served equally among the social group. Taboos and restrictions on
food fish correspond to categories of individuals and to particular
situations. Such constraints on food consumption are usually explained
by the belief that the human body is affected or assimilated by
attributes peculiar to a particular fish. Seemingly, such attributes
are arbitrarily isolated so as to have a linear association with certain
human categories. Those people liable to be subject to fish food
taboos or restrictions are:
(1) Those in abnormal and weak conditions, such as women (yoopwu:t
lit., "bad persons"), the infant (maniteete: "crawling animal"), those
who are ill (manesemway: "sick animal"), pregnant women (manipwoopwo:
"animal of swollen belly"), and the like;
(2) Those who possess a special knowledge of canoe-making, house-
building, curing, or magic; and
(3) Those with social prestige, i.e., island chiefs and the heads of
each canoe house.
Initially, food regulations are individual-oriented, but persons
not directly concerned and even the entire population may often be
involved owing to the implied bad-influences as revealed by sickness,
death, and resource scarcity. Therefore, fishes perceived as "bad"
(fan, ppwut) or "tabooed" (pin) for an individual are on the contrary
regarded as beneficial or "good" for the population as a whole. Those
cognized as "bad" (nngaw) have no conceptual counterpart, since
eating them results only in such physical reactions as rejection or
vomitting (mmwus). Such fish are discarded. These anomalous
animals are correlated 'psychologically and conceptually with people
in an abnormal condition, since both are recognized as occupying an
anomalous state between animal (maan) and human (yaramas).
Thus "bad" fish connotes two cultural values in a Satawal
society: (1) the conceptual ordering of an individual islander and
the entire population in terms of "bad" fish; and (2) the metaphorical
association of "bad" fish with a human category of abnormal condition.
Among all of the attributes of fish, smell bears certain cultural
significance. Conceptually, smell of fish (pwoyacch) is distinct from
the smell of taro and breadfruit (pwonngaw). Moreover, certain
binary oppositions emerge between land and sea; sea spirit and the
spirit of the taro patch; fish and taro/breadfruit. Such dichotomous
elements are further opposed to odors of both-sex "(paomtas) and
blood (pwongosow)t,h us permitting the hypothesis of a triangular model
of the Satawalese view of nature in terms of smell.},
 pages = {66--133},
 title = {“悪い魚”と“良い魚” : Satawal 島における民族魚類学},
 volume = {6},
 year = {1981},
 yomi = {アキミチ, トモヤ}
}