{"created":"2023-06-20T15:59:18.314184+00:00","id":4460,"links":{},"metadata":{"_buckets":{"deposit":"dc3a6232-03c5-4a12-a0e4-9759eb2708e3"},"_deposit":{"created_by":17,"id":"4460","owners":[17],"pid":{"revision_id":0,"type":"depid","value":"4460"},"status":"published"},"_oai":{"id":"oai:minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp:00004460","sets":["345:473"]},"author_link":["11695"],"item_9_biblio_info_7":{"attribute_name":"書誌情報","attribute_value_mlt":[{"bibliographicIssueDates":{"bibliographicIssueDate":"1983-08-31","bibliographicIssueDateType":"Issued"},"bibliographicIssueNumber":"2","bibliographicPageEnd":"252","bibliographicPageStart":"197","bibliographicVolumeNumber":"8","bibliographic_titles":[{"bibliographic_title":"国立民族学博物館研究報告"},{"bibliographic_title":"Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology","bibliographic_titleLang":"en"}]}]},"item_9_description_4":{"attribute_name":"抄録","attribute_value_mlt":[{"subitem_description":"Traditional political systems versus modern political institutions\nin Papua New Guinea have been widely discussed by social\nscientists. Papua New Guinea became independent from\nAustralian administration in 1975, but political independence was\nnot a product of the struggle. There were no nationalist movement\nand little clamour for an end to colonial rule.\nDuring the last fifty years, the New Guinea Highlanders\nhave been confronted with an endless, dramatic change, and as a\nmatter of course their cosmos fell into considerable confusion.\nIn rapid succession they have had to deal with kiap (patrol\nofficers) & missionaries, appointed village officials, local government\ncouncils, combined councils' conferences & Area Authority,\nSelf-government and Independence, village courts, and now the\nProvincial Government.\nNew Guinea cultures have proved extremely durable and\nstill have an influential role in contemporary politics. The\nConstitution of Papua New Guinea stemmed in part from, and\nreinforced the convictions of the traditional socio-political\ncharacter of the Melanesians. The 'Melanesian Way' stresses\nobligations to kinsmen and requires a slow process of consultation\nand compromise leading to consensus within the clan or village\ngroup. Since decolonisation, traditional New Guinean political\nattitudes and processes have been obstacles to the immediate\nassimilation of new institutions, especially with respect to the\nlegitimacy and constitution of democratic legislatures, and the\nlaw.\nA single problem crucial for current politics is the effect of\nsuperimposing a centralized state structure on the stateless\nsocieties of Papua New Guinea. The general construct of a\nbasically egalitarian, self-governing society, using group consensus\nbut allowing a limited role for leaders who arise in open status\ncompetition, was known as the bigman model. Hitherto, there\nwas no tradition of succession or stratification of subgroups,\nrather, traditional leadership was achieved through personal\ncharisma and by the accumulation of wealth (pigs, shells, feathers,\niron-tools, and the like) that could be used to aid others, and in\nso doing place them under an obligation. A bigman should be\nboth more prominent in ceremonial exchange and a more powerful\norator. Thus, a leader could successfully dominate others,\neither through his ability to help them or to retain their respect.\nMore popular leaders were 'manager' or 'director' types. '\nAt present leaders are politicians in either provincial or\nnational governments. In Chimbu, where I undertook field\nresearches, I observed a most typical example of Melanesian\npolitical culture. A Chimbu politician, an Opposition leader,\nappealed to Chimbu dignity, believing that the stature of the\nwhole group could be raised by the activities of a few entrepreneurs.\nHe insisted that businessmen were generous and supportive,\nand that a cultural 'levelling' effect would operate. Even\nmen highly educated in the Western system have grafted onto the\nbigman theory a notion of egalitarianism. Politicians —mostly\nyoung businessmen— gave money to local leaders, who then\nheld parties for their groups, distributing pigs, carcasses of beef\nand dozens, or occasionally hundreds of cartons of beer. Thus\nthey grafted these non-traditional items onto the traditional\nexchange system. Throughout Highland society, men having\npolitical authority are called Vida man', whereas 'bigpela man'\nrefers to any prominent man who has achieved renown for his\nwealth, as in modern business activities, but who has no political\nstature.\nApart from business, political and public service careers\nprovide the main avenue for individual advancement, although\nthese two careers are often combined. The overlapping membership\nof the political and economic elites of Chimbu does not\nindicate an egalitarian society, although competition for political\noffice is intense. Present Highland leaders have proved both the\nsuccession and discontinuity of the bigman model. Equality of\nopportunity no longer exists, and Highland societies have few\nsocio-economic equalities. In the Highlands there exists an\nimplicit or explicit hierarchy of social and economic status levels.\nOn the other hand, prior to the early 1970's the administrative\nsystem functioned slowly and was excessively bureaucratic.\nDecentralisation in Papua New Guinea, with devolution of power\nfrom the center has proved expensive. And there is always the\nrisk that the experiment will not work and that the country will\nfragment with the authority of the central government becoming\nincreasingly nominal. The highland provinces were eager to\nestablish the Provincial Government in response to a separatist\nmovement on Bougainville Island. In 1976 Provincial Government\nstarted throughout the country.\nThe inevitable problems of a new system of government are\nemerging in all provinces. No member of the new Secretariat\nis highly experienced in public service, or in fact in the work for\nwhich appointed. The formerly high morale of the field service\nas an elite group comprising both expatriates and nationals,\nhad already largely disappeared prior to Independence. There\nis the possibility that the administrative capacity of the state will\nfragment in the decentralisation programme, thereby endangering\nnot only public order but also the government's goals of equity\nand rural development, as well as its own ultimate survival.\nThe aims of Provincial Government are decentralisation,\ngreater coordination of development activities undertaken by\ngovernment officers in the Districts. In Chimbu, teamwork\nwas almost totally lacking. Several Provincial Governments\nhave been pre-occupied with the acquisition of power, and resources\nare being devoted to serving politicians rather than to\nmaintaining the previous levels of service to villagers. Many\nlocal government councils under the Provincial Government\nbroke down through corruption and mismanagement. The\nlargest single problem in the bureaucracy is the lack of competent\nmanpower to realize the full requirements of a decentralised\nadministration. Papua New Guinea's aims of reducing both\nsocial and geographic inequality, which are expressed in the\nNational Constitution, are endangered by the Provincial Government\nsystem. On the other hand, the villagers are unable to\nunite readily to replace their politicians, given the highly fragmented\nsocial and political structure, as well as the obligations of\nkinship and patronage. Not just anybody has the representational\nfunction of linking villagers and government in the Highland\nsociety. In practice, the institutions may not be suited for\nthe political culture. Under the Provincial Government system,\nlocal elites will have greatly increased resources with which to\nincrease their wealth and to entrench themselves, without necessarily\nimproving their political legitimacy. This fact alone\nmakes the whole system politically unstable. By late 1978 the\ninitial enthusiasm for decentralisation had started to wane.\nThe Government of Papua New Guinea is rich when compared\nwith those of other newly independent countries. This\nmight be one reason why the Central Government can dominate\nand remain superior to the Provincial Governments.","subitem_description_type":"Abstract"}]},"item_9_identifier_registration":{"attribute_name":"ID登録","attribute_value_mlt":[{"subitem_identifier_reg_text":"10.15021/00004452","subitem_identifier_reg_type":"JaLC"}]},"item_9_publisher_33":{"attribute_name":"出版者","attribute_value_mlt":[{"subitem_publisher":"国立民族学博物館"}]},"item_9_publisher_34":{"attribute_name":"出版者（英）","attribute_value_mlt":[{"subitem_publisher":"National Museum of Ethnology"}]},"item_9_source_id_10":{"attribute_name":"書誌レコードID","attribute_value_mlt":[{"subitem_source_identifier":"AN00091943","subitem_source_identifier_type":"NCID"}]},"item_9_source_id_8":{"attribute_name":"ISSN","attribute_value_mlt":[{"subitem_source_identifier":"0385-180X","subitem_source_identifier_type":"ISSN"}]},"item_9_version_type_16":{"attribute_name":"著者版フラグ","attribute_value_mlt":[{"subitem_version_resource":"http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85","subitem_version_type":"VoR"}]},"item_creator":{"attribute_name":"著者","attribute_type":"creator","attribute_value_mlt":[{"creatorNames":[{"creatorName":"畑中, 幸子"},{"creatorName":"ハタナカ, サチコ","creatorNameLang":"ja-Kana"},{"creatorName":"Hatanaka, Sachiko","creatorNameLang":"en"}],"nameIdentifiers":[{}]}]},"item_files":{"attribute_name":"ファイル情報","attribute_type":"file","attribute_value_mlt":[{"accessrole":"open_date","date":[{"dateType":"Available","dateValue":"2015-11-19"}],"displaytype":"detail","filename":"KH_008_2_001.pdf","filesize":[{"value":"5.5 MB"}],"format":"application/pdf","licensetype":"license_note","mimetype":"application/pdf","url":{"label":"KH_008_2_001.pdf","url":"https://minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp/record/4460/files/KH_008_2_001.pdf"},"version_id":"436af87c-da54-46d2-a60a-0a776fe71c23"}]},"item_language":{"attribute_name":"言語","attribute_value_mlt":[{"subitem_language":"jpn"}]},"item_resource_type":{"attribute_name":"資源タイプ","attribute_value_mlt":[{"resourcetype":"departmental bulletin paper","resourceuri":"http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501"}]},"item_title":"部族社会における近代政治の過程","item_titles":{"attribute_name":"タイトル","attribute_value_mlt":[{"subitem_title":"部族社会における近代政治の過程"},{"subitem_title":"Political Process in Stateless Societies of the New Guinea Highlands","subitem_title_language":"en"}]},"item_type_id":"9","owner":"17","path":["473"],"pubdate":{"attribute_name":"公開日","attribute_value":"2010-02-16"},"publish_date":"2010-02-16","publish_status":"0","recid":"4460","relation_version_is_last":true,"title":["部族社会における近代政治の過程"],"weko_creator_id":"17","weko_shared_id":-1},"updated":"2023-06-20T19:26:12.694634+00:00"}