@article{oai:minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp:00004460,
 author = {畑中, 幸子 and Hatanaka, Sachiko},
 issue = {2},
 journal = {国立民族学博物館研究報告, Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology},
 month = {Aug},
 note = {Traditional political systems versus modern political institutions
in Papua New Guinea have been widely discussed by social
scientists. Papua New Guinea became independent from
Australian administration in 1975, but political independence was
not a product of the struggle. There were no nationalist movement
and little clamour for an end to colonial rule.
During the last fifty years, the New Guinea Highlanders
have been confronted with an endless, dramatic change, and as a
matter of course their cosmos fell into considerable confusion.
In rapid succession they have had to deal with kiap (patrol
officers) & missionaries, appointed village officials, local government
councils, combined councils' conferences & Area Authority,
Self-government and Independence, village courts, and now the
Provincial Government.
New Guinea cultures have proved extremely durable and
still have an influential role in contemporary politics. The
Constitution of Papua New Guinea stemmed in part from, and
reinforced the convictions of the traditional socio-political
character of the Melanesians. The 'Melanesian Way' stresses
obligations to kinsmen and requires a slow process of consultation
and compromise leading to consensus within the clan or village
group. Since decolonisation, traditional New Guinean political
attitudes and processes have been obstacles to the immediate
assimilation of new institutions, especially with respect to the
legitimacy and constitution of democratic legislatures, and the
law.
A single problem crucial for current politics is the effect of
superimposing a centralized state structure on the stateless
societies of Papua New Guinea. The general construct of a
basically egalitarian, self-governing society, using group consensus
but allowing a limited role for leaders who arise in open status
competition, was known as the bigman model. Hitherto, there
was no tradition of succession or stratification of subgroups,
rather, traditional leadership was achieved through personal
charisma and by the accumulation of wealth (pigs, shells, feathers,
iron-tools, and the like) that could be used to aid others, and in
so doing place them under an obligation. A bigman should be
both more prominent in ceremonial exchange and a more powerful
orator. Thus, a leader could successfully dominate others,
either through his ability to help them or to retain their respect.
More popular leaders were 'manager' or 'director' types. '
At present leaders are politicians in either provincial or
national governments. In Chimbu, where I undertook field
researches, I observed a most typical example of Melanesian
political culture. A Chimbu politician, an Opposition leader,
appealed to Chimbu dignity, believing that the stature of the
whole group could be raised by the activities of a few entrepreneurs.
He insisted that businessmen were generous and supportive,
and that a cultural 'levelling' effect would operate. Even
men highly educated in the Western system have grafted onto the
bigman theory a notion of egalitarianism. Politicians —mostly
young businessmen— gave money to local leaders, who then
held parties for their groups, distributing pigs, carcasses of beef
and dozens, or occasionally hundreds of cartons of beer. Thus
they grafted these non-traditional items onto the traditional
exchange system. Throughout Highland society, men having
political authority are called Vida man', whereas 'bigpela man'
refers to any prominent man who has achieved renown for his
wealth, as in modern business activities, but who has no political
stature.
Apart from business, political and public service careers
provide the main avenue for individual advancement, although
these two careers are often combined. The overlapping membership
of the political and economic elites of Chimbu does not
indicate an egalitarian society, although competition for political
office is intense. Present Highland leaders have proved both the
succession and discontinuity of the bigman model. Equality of
opportunity no longer exists, and Highland societies have few
socio-economic equalities. In the Highlands there exists an
implicit or explicit hierarchy of social and economic status levels.
On the other hand, prior to the early 1970's the administrative
system functioned slowly and was excessively bureaucratic.
Decentralisation in Papua New Guinea, with devolution of power
from the center has proved expensive. And there is always the
risk that the experiment will not work and that the country will
fragment with the authority of the central government becoming
increasingly nominal. The highland provinces were eager to
establish the Provincial Government in response to a separatist
movement on Bougainville Island. In 1976 Provincial Government
started throughout the country.
The inevitable problems of a new system of government are
emerging in all provinces. No member of the new Secretariat
is highly experienced in public service, or in fact in the work for
which appointed. The formerly high morale of the field service
as an elite group comprising both expatriates and nationals,
had already largely disappeared prior to Independence. There
is the possibility that the administrative capacity of the state will
fragment in the decentralisation programme, thereby endangering
not only public order but also the government's goals of equity
and rural development, as well as its own ultimate survival.
The aims of Provincial Government are decentralisation,
greater coordination of development activities undertaken by
government officers in the Districts. In Chimbu, teamwork
was almost totally lacking. Several Provincial Governments
have been pre-occupied with the acquisition of power, and resources
are being devoted to serving politicians rather than to
maintaining the previous levels of service to villagers. Many
local government councils under the Provincial Government
broke down through corruption and mismanagement. The
largest single problem in the bureaucracy is the lack of competent
manpower to realize the full requirements of a decentralised
administration. Papua New Guinea's aims of reducing both
social and geographic inequality, which are expressed in the
National Constitution, are endangered by the Provincial Government
system. On the other hand, the villagers are unable to
unite readily to replace their politicians, given the highly fragmented
social and political structure, as well as the obligations of
kinship and patronage. Not just anybody has the representational
function of linking villagers and government in the Highland
society. In practice, the institutions may not be suited for
the political culture. Under the Provincial Government system,
local elites will have greatly increased resources with which to
increase their wealth and to entrench themselves, without necessarily
improving their political legitimacy. This fact alone
makes the whole system politically unstable. By late 1978 the
initial enthusiasm for decentralisation had started to wane.
The Government of Papua New Guinea is rich when compared
with those of other newly independent countries. This
might be one reason why the Central Government can dominate
and remain superior to the Provincial Governments.},
 pages = {197--252},
 title = {部族社会における近代政治の過程},
 volume = {8},
 year = {1983},
 yomi = {ハタナカ, サチコ}
}