@article{oai:minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp:00004339,
 author = {古谷, 嘉章 and Furuya, Yoshiaki},
 issue = {1},
 journal = {国立民族学博物館研究報告, Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology},
 month = {Jul},
 note = {Two anthropological terms, "shamanism" and "spiritpossession,"
have long been given separate definitions. The
former has been applied to specific magico-religious beliefs
and practices in Siberia and Central Asia, following Mircea
Eliade's classic usage. On the other hand, several African
religious traditions have been practically excluded from shamanism
and given another equally renowned term, spirit-possession.
Recent anthropological studies on this topic have made it clear
that these "two" cultural-complexes, which have been treated
separately, have, in fact, much in common, and should be
categorized under some more general concept, such as "culturally
institutionalized Altered States of Consciousness."
In this paper, I do not presuppose any mutually exclusive
definitions of "shamanism" and "spirit-possession." This partly
follows the recent trend mentioned above, but partly is required
by the topic of this paper: shamanistic or mediumistic religious
tradition in northern Brazil.
In this Amazonian region, where local shamanistic tradition,
inherited from Amerindian cultures, has its strength and is
partially intermingled with folk Catholicism, essentially different
mediumistic traditions were introduced from West and Central
Africa as by-product of the Atlantic slave trade. These Africanderived
religions, so called Afro-Brazilian cults, did not penetrate
so pervasively in the North as in the Northeastern sugar-producing
areas. But in the northern cities, like Belem (Para), this religious
trend, influenced by local shamanic tradition, formed a series of
highly syncretized possession cults, generically called Batuque in
the anthropological literature.
In this paper, one of the distinctive characteristics of these
cults is depicted : that is, the highly individualized relation between
shaman-mediums and possessing-spirits. In the course of
shamanizing processes this factor plays a decisive role for the
shaman-mediums to adopt specific ritual forms to venerate their
spirit-protectors and "work" with them, because every spirit
reveals itself with its unique character and specifies obrigacdo, or
ritual requirements, to each medium. Therefore, the mediums,
who usually "receive" various spirits and owe religious obligations
to them, gradually accumulate various ritual forms and end up
making unique combinations between them.
Having this kind of inherent individualistic tendency, the
Batuque is likely to fall apart. But, so far, this has not occurred,
owing to two core ritual-forms as structuring models for the whole
system. These two ritual forms, Cura and Tambor, provide each
practitioner with a sound basis for weaving his own network of
communication with his possessing-spirits. These two forms
inherit their main characteristics from pajelanfa (local shamanism)
and African-derived possession cults, respectively. Aside from
the most apparent contrast between them (the absence or presence
of musical instruments, such as drums, in rituals), there is another
significant difference: the former stresses inherent supernatural
ability (nascefre ito) of shamans whereas the latter demands formal
initiation and apprenticeship (fazer santo). These contrastive
features are closely related to the actual forms of practice: solitary
"curing" sessions vs. festive group-rituals. This bipolar system
is so deeply rooted in the Batuque that various ritual practices from
varied sources have been and are being rearranged to fit in with
the preexisiting system and incorporated into the Batuque.},
 pages = {69--125},
 title = {クーラとタンボール : 北部ブラジルの憑霊カルトにおける成巫過程},
 volume = {13},
 year = {1988},
 yomi = {フルヤ, ヨシアキ}
}