@article{oai:minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp:00004268,
 author = {藤井, 龍彦 and Fujii, Tatsuhiko},
 issue = {3},
 journal = {国立民族学博物館研究報告, Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology},
 month = {Mar},
 note = {This article is the second part of the analysis of a corpus of data entitled
"Diaries of Bolivian Peasants". The first analysis was done two
years ago [Fum 1990], in which I analysed the first one-year cycle of
one peasant family of Yuka Comunity, Camacho Province, Department
of La Paz.
The results of the analysis of the former article were:
1) agricultural activities were about 30% of this family's total working
hours.
2) the sexual division of labor is not marked in any activities.
3) the social relationship is relatively narrow and limited.
4) they pool about 7% of their working hours as for alturuistic
labor.
And we could proof the validity of these materials for
ethnographical data, especially to make quantitative analysis.
In this article I continued a quantitative analysis based on diaries
written during 2 years and three months by ten peasants who lived in
three different regions (3 of Yuka, 3 of Copacabana, and 4 of Jaruma)
(Map 1) . The method is to input all data such as dates, activities, persons,
places where the activities done or where he (they) went, quantitative
data of sowing and harvest, household accounts, etc. to a personal
computer. All these data were categorized, sorted, counted, and
converted to diagrams or tables to make a quantitative analysis.
The results of the analysis are as follows:
I) Agriculture
i) The peasants of Bolivian Highlands tend to orient subsistence
economy cultivating such 'traditional' crops as potatoes, oca, on the one
hand, cultivate various other crops as possible as they can, including
cash crop represented by onion, to obtain cash through the market
system on the other.
ii) In an anual cycle of agriculture, they have strategies to minimize
the agricultural labor, making full use of the time lag of differente term
of ripenness, combining various crops according to regions (natural emvironments)
.
iii) In the 'traditional' crops, specially the case of potatoes, some
peasants pretend to obtain high harvest, introducing new comercial
spiecies or using chemical fertility. In such case not changing former
agricultural system but above that sacrifiing their free time, different
from such change observed in the Province of Andahuaylas (barley for
beer) , or Puquina (alfarfa for cow) both in Peru, recomended by enterprises.
iv) The sexual division of labor is not marked among the all
peasants.
v) Agricultural activities were about between 25%-50% of total
laboral days, except who dedicate in onion cultivation.
II) Herding
Herding is not so important in the Bolivian Highlands, but they
have at least a pair of oxen for agricultural activities, specially for fallowing.
Sheep and pigs are main animals between others and using as selfconsumption
rather than to sell.
III) Economic activities
i) All ten peasants family dedicate to side-job to some extent and
the husbands dedicate in the most case. Special technics are not
necessary in almost all side-jobs (textile making, fabric of ready-made
clothes, small shop, or wage erning away from home) , except fabric of
clothes for feasts and carpenter work. Althogh incomes are different
from the class of jobs, they are important for them to obtain cash.
ii) Most of the products that peasants can sell were agricultural
ones, but domestic animals can sell, although less in number, in much
higher price than agricultural products.
iii) The varieties of items that peasants perchased or payed for services
are up to 379 and 78% of these items are included the first 40 items,
most of which are foodstuffs or beverage.
iv) Eight of ten peasants have deficit of their household accouts.
v) Exchange activities are not so many, only 42 times among ten
peasants during 2 years and three months, and the items exchanged are
those produced by neighboring comunities.
IV) Social activities
i) Social relationships through mutual-aids are small and limited
and there is no marked difference between husband's kinship and his
affinity. There are various mutual-aids but the most important aids are
house construction and agricultural labor. The percentage of alturuistic
labors is with in 8% although differentiating + (more to go) and —
(more received) .
ii) The most important public activity is that relationed to the
school. Theres is a regional difference on activities for the agricultural
cooperatives. The mean times for public activities (more than once a
week) is given much weight in the peasants life.
iii) The major activities in the cotacts are funerals and the feasts for
house construction.
V) Other activities
i) The most popular recreation among the peasants is football.
But in this case mainly the husbands perticipate. If considered whole
family, feasts are more important than football.
ii) For other activities, specially domestic activities such as making
textiles, weaving, sweeping, washing, etc. they did not spend so much
hours.
In sum, using the quantitative data of these diaries, we can describe
the daily life of these peasants and we can renew understanding of the
validity of these data as well.
As I said in the former article, this analysis was based on only the
diaries of ten peasants of three regions of the Bolivian highlands, so we
cannot generalize the results as being applicable to other Andean rural
communities. It is requested the investigations of same character to
make comparison.},
 pages = {521--588},
 title = {ボリビアの農民 : 農民の「行動の記録」の分析（その2）},
 volume = {16},
 year = {1992},
 yomi = {フジイ, タツヒコ}
}