@article{oai:minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp:00004225,
 author = {南, 真木人 and Minami, Makito},
 issue = {3},
 journal = {国立民族学博物館研究報告, Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology},
 month = {Feb},
 note = {In this article, I discuss ecological and social aspects of poison
fishing among the Magars, in the middle hills of Nepal, northern Nawalparashi
district. The Magar people use various poisonous plants to
catch freshwater fish in tributaries of the Kaligandaki River. Poison
fishing is a popular and much-anticipated activity, taking place regularly
in August each year.
Following a survey of various ethnographies, Akimichi [n.d.]
pointed out three general characteristics of poison fishing activity: 1.
large quantities of poisonous plants are used, 2. the fish are caught in
large quantity during each fishing event, and 3. there is usually some
period during which no fish are caught. Each of these can be identified
further with other factors: Identity and ecology of the plants used, their
ownership, the manner of extraction of poison, and the organization of
fishing group with 1.; Fishing method, gear, and the intended sharing
and storage of the catch with 2.; Fishing frequency, and the selection of
fishing places with 3. These factors vary according to particular circumstances.
In this article the Magar example is described in chapter
III.
In the last chapter, I discuss (1) Poison fishing is associated with
shifting cultivation; (2) The characteristics of poison fishing can be
categorized as `unintercepted' since no fixed net or fence is used to
capture the poisoned fish; and (3) The implication of poison fishing as
that it contributes to provide an opportunity for different Magar villages
to share the pleasure of the fishing activity enjoyed by all participants.
The most important plant for fishing is a species of Zanthoxylum,
known as bis in the Magar language. The poison is extracted from ripe
fruit and bark. Bis multiplies naturally in areas of shifting cultivation,
after land has been burned. Fire accelerates the germination of bis seeds
according to the Magar people. It is also proved by forest-ecological experiment
[KAMATAet .al. 1987]. The young plants are raised without
being cut. Some of them are transplanted to the ridge between dry fields
in order to be cultivated as private property. In a typical area, about 35
mature bis trees were owned by one village with 12 homesteads, and 100
inhabitants. These trees produced enough fruit for three fishing expeditions
in one season. The frequency of fishing is limited by the amount of
poison available.
Because a large quantity of poison were required for poison fishing,
temporary fishing groups were formed one group includes all the inhabitants
of 2-3 intimate villages. They group members conferred with
each other about plans for poison fishing, in secret against other
villages. In fact many other villagers learned about the plan by hearsay,
and went fishing without contributing poison. Although the people of
fishing group who prepared poison were displeased with such people,
they could not prevent them from fishing. In principle, river resources
are public. Secondary resources in all areas of shifting cultivation are
also public unlike paddy and dry field. We can analyse that poison
fishing is associated with shifting cultivation on account of a common
principle of public utilization of resources, and that bis tree is abundant
in areas of shifting cultivation, since germination of bis seeds is accelerated
by fire.
After the poison is released, individuals dash to good vintage points
with a scoop net in sequence from the upper reaches to the lower
reaches. They actively move in close to fish. The lowest reaches of
fishing area are not enclosed with any communal fence or fixed weir, and
the catch is not shared among the fishing group. Magar poison fishing
can therefor be categorised as `unintercepted'. This is not because of
any technical difficulty with making fences. Rather, it is because the
poisoning is not efficient. The fish would revive from paralysis if people
waited at one place.
To an outside observers, the fishing activity may look like competition
for fish or for good netting points with other people. However, it is
not really competition, because people do not show their catch to each
other when the fishing is over. The fishing produces no obvious result.
Such a result is one requirement for competition. The Magars enjoy
individually the luck and skill required for successful fishing. Poison
fishing in a group means that the people need each other not only for
gathering poison in large quantity, but also to share the pleasure of the
fishing activity among the fishing group. Poison fishing is thus a source
of both individual and communal pleasure.},
 pages = {375--407},
 title = {魚毒漁の社会生態 : ネパールの丘陵地帯におけるマガールの事例から},
 volume = {18},
 year = {1994},
 yomi = {ミナミ, マキト}
}