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{"_buckets": {"deposit": "d453eff3-59ab-4044-9fa5-a3f50270e75a"}, "_deposit": {"created_by": 17, "id": "4580", "owners": [17], "pid": {"revision_id": 0, "type": "depid", "value": "4580"}, "status": "published"}, "_oai": {"id": "oai:minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp:00004580", "sets": ["492"]}, "author_link": ["2352"], "item_9_biblio_info_7": {"attribute_name": "書誌情報", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"bibliographicIssueDates": {"bibliographicIssueDate": "1979-01-23", "bibliographicIssueDateType": "Issued"}, "bibliographicIssueNumber": "3", "bibliographicPageEnd": "415", "bibliographicPageStart": "345", "bibliographicVolumeNumber": "3", "bibliographic_titles": [{"bibliographic_title": "国立民族学博物館研究報告"}, {"bibliographic_title": "Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology", "bibliographic_titleLang": "en"}]}]}, "item_9_description_4": {"attribute_name": "抄録", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_description": "This paper examines the sociological aspects of agriculture in a\nrice-growing village of Central Java, and is based on field research\nconducted by the author from June to December, 1975, in villages\nnear the city of Surakarta. The research area previously belonged\nto the principality of susuhunan and was dominated by Dutch\nagricultural enterprises. The area is economically advanced and\nis characterized by a high population density (1,796 per ㎢) and\na relatively high productivity of rice with double or triple cropping.\nThe research was confined to only a few hamlets and is an intensive\ncase study of Javanese rural society. The results should not be\ngeneralized for Javanese agriculture as a whole. The paper focuses\nfirst on the categories into which people engaged in agriculture\nare divided, and secondly on the analysis of the properties of each\ncategory and their interrelationships.\nThe main categories are:\n1. Kuli kenceng, a traditional and surviving category for cultivators\nof rice fields. During the Dutch colonial era each kuli lancing\nwas alloted two rice fields, each with an area of 0.5 ha. On one\nplot they cultivated rice and on the other tobacco or sugarcane\nfor the Dutch agricultural enterprise that rented the land from the\nsusuhunan. Although domination by both the susuhunan and the\nDutch enterprises disappeared with national independence, the\nconcept of kuli kenceng still survives and the term is used to refer to\nnominal holders of rice field. It should be noted, however, that each kuli kenceng still holds 0.5 ha of rice fields, but in some cases\nmore than one kuli lancing is found within a single household, and\nsome kuli kenceng live in urban areas, leaving the cultivation of\ntheir rice field to villagers.\n2. Pitani, also a category of rice field holder. Although the term\npitani is broadly equivalent to \"farmer,\" it refers in local usage to\nrice field holders including those who do not themselves engage\nin agriculture. This category largely overlaps with kuli kenceng.\nBut those kuli kenceng who live far away are not regarded as pitani,\nthe latter category being reserved\u0027 for village inhabitants together\nwith other categories like\u0027 village officials (pamong clesa), petty\ntraders (bakul), artisans and traditional workers (tukang) and wage\nearners (buruh).\n3. Pamong clisa, village officials. Each village official is entitled\nto use official rice field (sawah lungguh) during their period of service.\nThe size of those official rice fields is enough to provide a\nrespectable level of living. Of six officials of the village investigated,\nfive have no private rice field in addition to the official\nfield. Village officials can be distinguished from other villagers\nby better education and descent from or the some relationship\nwith the traditional lower literati class. In contrast, some wellto-\ndo owner-cultivators of rice fields cannot influence intravillage\nsocio-political relations, because they lack education and\nhave no relationship with the literati.\n4. Penggarap, cultivators of rice fields. They are those who\ncontrol the cultivation of rice fields, regardless of whether they\nthemselves work in the field or hire wage laborers. Some culti-,\nvators own rice field themselves and others only temporarily\nrent a field by paying cash in advance (nyiwa). Because of\nrentals, it is often difficult to discern who now controls the cultivation\nof individual rice fields. Some cultivators rent additional\nfields. Others rent out all or part of their rice field for\nfixed periods to obtain cash to cover the cost of family rituals\nor to purchase expensive goods such as motorcycles. In some\ncases, landless ones who cultivate only rented fields are wealthier\nthan small-scale owners of rice fields.\n5. Sharecroppers. There are three kinds of sharecropper (siromo,\nmirtilu, mirapat) according to the form of contract between land\nowner and sharecropper. Sharecropping is rarer than cash\nrental, and can be considered as transitional between rental and\nwage labor.\n6. Buruh tani, agricultural wage laborers. Of the total of 73 house-\nholds in the two hamlets, only 16 own rice fields, 3 village officials\nhave official fields, and 20 households cultivate rice fields. Many\nvillagers engage in agriculture only as wage laborers or make\ntheir living by occupations other than agriculture. Cultivators\nmake use of the abundant supply of cheap labor (Rp 150 for males,\nRp 100 for females per day). Mobilization of agricultural labor\nthrough traditional social institutions like labor exchange or\npatron-client relations is now being replaced by more strictly\neconomic forms such as arbitrary, day-by-day employment of\nlaborers.\nIn this area the social relationships in agriculture are characterized\nby five factors; a) standardization of the size of nominal rice\nfield holding; b) separation between land holding and actual land\ncontrol accelerated by the dominant practice of cash rental, and, as\na consequence; c) frequent change of cultivators for any given rice\nfield; d) abundance of cheap landless labor; e) exclusive use of a\nlarge area of rice fields by village officials.\nAs a result of factors a—d, social relationships in agriculture\ncan be seen as an accumulation of innumerable interpersonal,\ndyadic relations. These dyadic relations are limited in contract,\nnot enduring and always optional in that they are fixed not through\nconcrete social institutions but rather through personal choice.\nSuch personalized and complicated relationships might reaffirm\nthe familiar picture of rural Java; \"involution,\" \"vagueness\" and\n\"a monotonous poverty of social substance ,\" as depicted by Clifford\nGeertz. But this considers only the socio-economic aspect of\nJavanese agriculture and over-simplifies the picture of Javanese\nrural societies. In order to link the economic aspect of rural life\nwith its socio-political dimension, the rural power structure must\nbe considered.\nIn this core region of the former Mataram Kingdom, the\nsocio-political structure of village societies is largely based on a\ncultural hierarchy traditionally centered around the court and the\naristocrats. Village officials retain a large portion of the official\nrice field ex officion, ot because they are already at the top of economic\nhierarchy but because they belong partly to the literati.\nThis paper forms part of a study on social expression of rural\nJavanese culture. Therefore, the relationship and contradictions\nbetween economic and socio-political structures of village societies\nis discussed in the concluding chapter.\nThe contents of this paper are :\nI. Introduction\nII. Geographical and economic setting of agriculture\nIII. Rice field and kuli lancing\nIV. Ownership and control of rice fields\nV. Social relations in the process of cultivation\nVI. Individual households—cases of their life history and agri-culture\nVII. 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農業をめぐる人のカテゴリーと相互関係 : 中部ジャワの一事例
https://doi.org/10.15021/00004572
https://doi.org/10.15021/00004572bd6d0e51-886d-4397-81e8-bb38f3f5b12f
名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
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KH_003_3_001.pdf (5.0 MB)
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Item type | 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1) | |||||
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公開日 | 2010-02-16 | |||||
タイトル | ||||||
タイトル | 農業をめぐる人のカテゴリーと相互関係 : 中部ジャワの一事例 | |||||
タイトル | ||||||
言語 | en | |||||
タイトル | Human Categories and Interpersonal Relations in Agriculture : A Case from Rural Central Java | |||||
言語 | ||||||
言語 | jpn | |||||
資源タイプ | ||||||
資源タイプ識別子 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||
資源タイプ | departmental bulletin paper | |||||
ID登録 | ||||||
ID登録 | 10.15021/00004572 | |||||
ID登録タイプ | JaLC | |||||
著者 |
関本, 照夫
× 関本, 照夫 |
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抄録 | ||||||
内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||
内容記述 | This paper examines the sociological aspects of agriculture in a rice-growing village of Central Java, and is based on field research conducted by the author from June to December, 1975, in villages near the city of Surakarta. The research area previously belonged to the principality of susuhunan and was dominated by Dutch agricultural enterprises. The area is economically advanced and is characterized by a high population density (1,796 per ㎢) and a relatively high productivity of rice with double or triple cropping. The research was confined to only a few hamlets and is an intensive case study of Javanese rural society. The results should not be generalized for Javanese agriculture as a whole. The paper focuses first on the categories into which people engaged in agriculture are divided, and secondly on the analysis of the properties of each category and their interrelationships. The main categories are: 1. Kuli kenceng, a traditional and surviving category for cultivators of rice fields. During the Dutch colonial era each kuli lancing was alloted two rice fields, each with an area of 0.5 ha. On one plot they cultivated rice and on the other tobacco or sugarcane for the Dutch agricultural enterprise that rented the land from the susuhunan. Although domination by both the susuhunan and the Dutch enterprises disappeared with national independence, the concept of kuli kenceng still survives and the term is used to refer to nominal holders of rice field. It should be noted, however, that each kuli kenceng still holds 0.5 ha of rice fields, but in some cases more than one kuli lancing is found within a single household, and some kuli kenceng live in urban areas, leaving the cultivation of their rice field to villagers. 2. Pitani, also a category of rice field holder. Although the term pitani is broadly equivalent to "farmer," it refers in local usage to rice field holders including those who do not themselves engage in agriculture. This category largely overlaps with kuli kenceng. But those kuli kenceng who live far away are not regarded as pitani, the latter category being reserved' for village inhabitants together with other categories like' village officials (pamong clesa), petty traders (bakul), artisans and traditional workers (tukang) and wage earners (buruh). 3. Pamong clisa, village officials. Each village official is entitled to use official rice field (sawah lungguh) during their period of service. The size of those official rice fields is enough to provide a respectable level of living. Of six officials of the village investigated, five have no private rice field in addition to the official field. Village officials can be distinguished from other villagers by better education and descent from or the some relationship with the traditional lower literati class. In contrast, some wellto- do owner-cultivators of rice fields cannot influence intravillage socio-political relations, because they lack education and have no relationship with the literati. 4. Penggarap, cultivators of rice fields. They are those who control the cultivation of rice fields, regardless of whether they themselves work in the field or hire wage laborers. Some culti-, vators own rice field themselves and others only temporarily rent a field by paying cash in advance (nyiwa). Because of rentals, it is often difficult to discern who now controls the cultivation of individual rice fields. Some cultivators rent additional fields. Others rent out all or part of their rice field for fixed periods to obtain cash to cover the cost of family rituals or to purchase expensive goods such as motorcycles. In some cases, landless ones who cultivate only rented fields are wealthier than small-scale owners of rice fields. 5. Sharecroppers. There are three kinds of sharecropper (siromo, mirtilu, mirapat) according to the form of contract between land owner and sharecropper. Sharecropping is rarer than cash rental, and can be considered as transitional between rental and wage labor. 6. Buruh tani, agricultural wage laborers. Of the total of 73 house- holds in the two hamlets, only 16 own rice fields, 3 village officials have official fields, and 20 households cultivate rice fields. Many villagers engage in agriculture only as wage laborers or make their living by occupations other than agriculture. Cultivators make use of the abundant supply of cheap labor (Rp 150 for males, Rp 100 for females per day). Mobilization of agricultural labor through traditional social institutions like labor exchange or patron-client relations is now being replaced by more strictly economic forms such as arbitrary, day-by-day employment of laborers. In this area the social relationships in agriculture are characterized by five factors; a) standardization of the size of nominal rice field holding; b) separation between land holding and actual land control accelerated by the dominant practice of cash rental, and, as a consequence; c) frequent change of cultivators for any given rice field; d) abundance of cheap landless labor; e) exclusive use of a large area of rice fields by village officials. As a result of factors a—d, social relationships in agriculture can be seen as an accumulation of innumerable interpersonal, dyadic relations. These dyadic relations are limited in contract, not enduring and always optional in that they are fixed not through concrete social institutions but rather through personal choice. Such personalized and complicated relationships might reaffirm the familiar picture of rural Java; "involution," "vagueness" and "a monotonous poverty of social substance ," as depicted by Clifford Geertz. But this considers only the socio-economic aspect of Javanese agriculture and over-simplifies the picture of Javanese rural societies. In order to link the economic aspect of rural life with its socio-political dimension, the rural power structure must be considered. In this core region of the former Mataram Kingdom, the socio-political structure of village societies is largely based on a cultural hierarchy traditionally centered around the court and the aristocrats. Village officials retain a large portion of the official rice field ex officion, ot because they are already at the top of economic hierarchy but because they belong partly to the literati. This paper forms part of a study on social expression of rural Javanese culture. Therefore, the relationship and contradictions between economic and socio-political structures of village societies is discussed in the concluding chapter. The contents of this paper are : I. Introduction II. Geographical and economic setting of agriculture III. Rice field and kuli lancing IV. Ownership and control of rice fields V. Social relations in the process of cultivation VI. Individual households—cases of their life history and agri-culture VII. Conclusion and perspectives |
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書誌情報 |
国立民族学博物館研究報告 en : Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology 巻 3, 号 3, p. 345-415, 発行日 1979-01-23 |
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ISSN | ||||||
収録物識別子タイプ | ISSN | |||||
収録物識別子 | 0385-180X | |||||
書誌レコードID | ||||||
収録物識別子タイプ | NCID | |||||
収録物識別子 | AN00091943 | |||||
著者版フラグ | ||||||
出版タイプ | VoR | |||||
出版タイプResource | http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 | |||||
出版者 | ||||||
出版者 | 国立民族学博物館 | |||||
出版者(英) | ||||||
出版者 | National Museum of Ethnology |