WEKO3
アイテム
{"_buckets": {"deposit": "f7a7df8a-24d8-47c8-aba3-8eedf5b778ca"}, "_deposit": {"created_by": 17, "id": "4428", "owners": [17], "pid": {"revision_id": 0, "type": "depid", "value": "4428"}, "status": "published"}, "_oai": {"id": "oai:minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp:00004428", "sets": ["467"]}, "author_link": ["4729"], "item_9_biblio_info_7": {"attribute_name": "書誌情報", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"bibliographicIssueDates": {"bibliographicIssueDate": "1985-03-28", "bibliographicIssueDateType": "Issued"}, "bibliographicIssueNumber": "4", "bibliographicPageEnd": "914", "bibliographicPageStart": "851", "bibliographicVolumeNumber": "9", "bibliographic_titles": [{"bibliographic_title": "国立民族学博物館研究報告"}, {"bibliographic_title": "Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology", "bibliographic_titleLang": "en"}]}]}, "item_9_description_4": {"attribute_name": "抄録", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_description": "This paper describes and analyses social change which\noccurred on Ponape, Micronesia, from the late-1820s to 1886,\nwith special reference to the reception of Christianity among \nthe Ponapeans.\n Ponape was divided into five autonomous chiefs. The head of the\ntwo sets were the Nahnmwarki (paramount chiefs) and the Nahnken\n(ministers).\nA man of the two lines was encouraged to marry his father\u0027s\nsister\u0027s daughter. Since descent and succession were matrilineal,\na son of the Nahnmwarki, or high chief in the Nahnmwarki\u0027s line,\nby a woman in the Nahnken\u0027s line would be classified as a member\nof the Nahnken\u0027s line, and could become the Nahnken, and vice\nversa. The Nahnmwarki and the Nahnken were, therefore, frequently\nrelated by blood. Sometimes the latter was the son of the\nformer. The myth on the origin of titles relates that the first\nNahnken was the son of the Nahnmwarki. Based on this type of\nmarriage and also the myth, the Nahnken was regarded as the\nson of the reigning Nahnmwarki, even if there was no blood\nrelationship between them. This fictive-kin relationship sometimes\nwas extended to whole lines, and, further, all subjects stood\nin the fictive relationship of child to the Nahnmwarki.\nIn the pre-colonial period all land was owned by the\nNahnmwarki and the Nahnken. People were obliged to pay tribute\nto them on many occasions, in return for land use. By contributing\nyams, pigs, and sakau (kava) to a feast a man could obtain\nprestige and a. title. Men competed with each other to produce\nand present the best offerings at the feasts. The Ponapeans\nemphasized achievement as well as ascription to enhance political\nstatus. Therefore, loyality to the Nahnmwarki and the Nahnken,\nexpressed in competitive feasts, provided the opportunity for\npromotion in the rank system.\nOn Ponape initial contact with Europeans began in the late-\n1820s. From the 1830s onward, Ponape attracted a number of\nwhite residents. Most were deserters from whaling ships or\nescaped convicts from Australia. During the rise of the Pacific\nwhaling industry, in the 1840s and 1850s, frequent stopovers\nby whalers resulted in numerous desertions. The population of\nbeachcombers on Ponape grew steadily from about 50 in 1840\nto 150 in 1850.\nSince first contact with foreign cultures Ponapean society\nwas exposed to European influence and became dependent on\nworld markets to procure European goods. The Ponapeans\nkeenly desired to obtain such Western artifacts as clothes,\nblankets, muskets and axes, among other things.\nWith few exceptions, these beachcombers lived with\nPonapean chiefs and were integrated into indigenous society.\nUnder this arrangement the chiefs entrusted most of the responsibility\nfor the conduct of trade with visiting ships to the\nwhites, who obtained Western goods for their Ponapean patrons.\nThe Ponapean had control over, contact with the West. Tra-\nditional social structure played an important role in the changing\nsituations resulting from European impact. The Ponapeans\nretained their social structure while adopting a wide array of\ntechnical changes.\nThe foreign residents adopted behavior patterns different\nfrom the Ponapeans. They violated Ponapean taboos, such as\neating eels, the clan totem. European reprobates like Thomas\nBoyd disregarded the chiefs\u0027 authority. Nevertheless, they\nremained secure. The Ponapeans thought that the whites were\nprotected by a different God than the indigenous deities, and\nthe superiority of European civilization and techniques led the\nPonapeans to appreciate the power of the Western God.\nIn 1852, American Congregational missionaries came to\nPonape. At first Ponapean chiefs welcomed them, expecting an\nincrease in trade with foreign ships. Unlike the beachcombers,\nthe missionaries remained independent from indigenous authority.\nSoon the chiefs learned that Christian teachings were contradictory\nto chiefly privileges, and so withdrew their support of\nmissionary work.\nThe smallpox epidemic brought by a whaling ship in 1854\nhad the most significant effect on Ponapean society. In a short\ntime smallpox spread throughout the island and killed half the\npopulation. The death of chiefs provided many opportunities\nfor commoners to obtain high titles, and people vied with each\nother for promotion in the title system. If a person could not\nobtain a higher title he simply left his tribe and moved to the\nother. The chiefs who survived lost power and control over\nthe subjects. Successful inoculation against smallpox given\nby the missionaries caused the Ponapeans to wonder about the\nefficacy of their own deities and to appreciate the power of the\nChristian God.\nThe late-1850s saw a marked decline in the visits of whalers\nto the island. This resulted in a reduced flow of trade goods\nand a decline in the number of beachcombers. All these factors\ngave the missionaries a virtual monopoly of influence and trade,\nat least temporarily. Interest in the church among the islanders\nincreased. The missionaries worked especially among the\ncommoners, and in 1860 they had formally received into the\nchurch their first converts. Church membership grew during\nthe following years.\nSome chiefs were converted to Christianity so as to be able\nto utilize the increasing power of the \"Missionary Party,\" whereas\nothers remained opposed to the missionaries. However, as\nthe church members had become predominant, those chiefs\nwho wished to keep control over the people had no choice but to\naccept Christianity. Eventually, by 1886, four of the five paramount\nchiefs on Ponape had become baptized. The adoption\nof Christianity occurred because conversion seemed advantageous\nto the paramount chiefs as well as to the commoners in their\ncontinuing efforts to cope with changing situations.\nThe missionaries did not attempt to destroy the native\npolitical system, nor did they always attempt the complete\ndestruction of Ponapean religion. They thought they could use\nthe order maintained under the chieftainship and the concept\nof gods in indigenous religion for their purposes. Thus they\nexploited the traditional institutions to gain converts.\nPonapean society accepted Christianity through its traditional\ninstitutions. The church organization was formed\nhierarchically. It placed the Christian God at the top, and then\nin descending order Christ, foreign missionaries, ministers, preachers,\ndeacons, and finally the laymen. By putting the Nahnmwarki\nand the Nahnken above the ministers, the congregation was grafted\nupon the traditional authority system. As mentioned above,\nthe Nahnmwarki was regarded as the father of all his subjects.\nThe Christian God was also addressed as our Heavenly Father.\nThe Nahnmwarki is to his subjects what the Western God is to\nmortals. In that way the new forms of social stratification could\nbe connected easily to indigenous society.\nMany elements of Ponapean chieftainship were introduced\ninto the mission activities. Ponapean-style feasts were celebrated\nat the church, with minor modification. And church collections\nsometimes appeared similar to paying tribute to the chiefs.\nMany Ponapeans identified the traditional supreme deity\nand the clan gods with the Christian God. Traditional spirits\nharmful to the people was regarded as the Evil Spirit or the\nbiblical Satan. Thus the people thought that the existence of\nthe traditional spirits was authorized by Christianity. The\nChristian God was incorporated into the Ponapean pantheon,\nand Ponapeans succeeded in manipulating Christianity to serve\nthe preservation of the existing order on the island.\nChiefly authority extended to the beachcombers living on\nthe island who conducted trade with foreign ships. Later the\nPonapeans came to accept Christianity on their own terms.\nThe procurement of Western goods through the beachcombers\nand the acceptance of Christianity did not constitute a revolutionary\ndeparture from the traditional, way of life. Ponapean society\nresponded to the new situations through existing values and\ninstitutions. Therefore, belief in the traditional gods and\nspirits remained important in native life, as did the authority of\nthe Nahnmwarki and traditional political systems.\nCultural continuity was preserved under the impact of\nforeign influence during the period referred to above. The\nstrength of Ponapean chieftainship remains essentially alive,\neven today.\nAcknowledgements\nI am grateful for a grant from the East-West Center, which\nmade possible my field work on Ponape and archival work in\nHonolulu. I thank Dr. Samuel Price of the Pacific Studies Institute\nin Guam, who accepted me as a Research Associate and\ngranted me use of the Institute\u0027s facilities on Ponape. I am\nindebted to Drs. Douglas Oliver, Alice Dewey, Alan Howard,\nStephen Boggs, Robert Kiste, Ben Finney and Timothy\nMacnaught, of the University of. Hawaii, for their advice on my\nresearch.\nMy greatest debt is to the people of Ponape Island, especially\nMessrs. Lianter Elias, Elsin Elias, and their families, who allowed\nme to share their knowledge and lives.\nI express my gratitude to them all.", "subitem_description_type": "Abstract"}]}, "item_9_identifier_registration": {"attribute_name": "ID登録", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_identifier_reg_text": "10.15021/00004420", "subitem_identifier_reg_type": "JaLC"}]}, "item_9_publisher_33": {"attribute_name": "出版者", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_publisher": "国立民族学博物館"}]}, "item_9_publisher_34": {"attribute_name": "出版者(英)", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_publisher": "National Museum of Ethnology"}]}, "item_9_source_id_10": {"attribute_name": "書誌レコードID", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_source_identifier": "AN00091943", "subitem_source_identifier_type": "NCID"}]}, "item_9_source_id_8": {"attribute_name": "ISSN", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_source_identifier": "0385-180X", "subitem_source_identifier_type": "ISSN"}]}, "item_9_version_type_16": {"attribute_name": "著者版フラグ", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_version_resource": "http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85", "subitem_version_type": "VoR"}]}, "item_creator": {"attribute_name": "著者", "attribute_type": "creator", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"creatorNames": [{"creatorName": "中山, 和芳"}, {"creatorName": "ナカヤマ, カズヨシ", "creatorNameLang": "ja-Kana"}, {"creatorName": "Nakayama, Kazuyoshi", "creatorNameLang": "en"}], "nameIdentifiers": [{"nameIdentifier": "4729", "nameIdentifierScheme": "WEKO"}]}]}, "item_files": {"attribute_name": "ファイル情報", "attribute_type": "file", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"accessrole": "open_date", "date": [{"dateType": "Available", "dateValue": "2015-11-19"}], "displaytype": "detail", "download_preview_message": "", "file_order": 0, "filename": "KH_009_4_006.pdf", "filesize": [{"value": "4.7 MB"}], "format": "application/pdf", "future_date_message": "", "is_thumbnail": false, "licensetype": "license_free", "mimetype": "application/pdf", "size": 4700000.0, "url": {"label": "KH_009_4_006.pdf", "url": "https://minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp/record/4428/files/KH_009_4_006.pdf"}, "version_id": "7ace120e-8510-4dca-bca4-2959016082a1"}]}, "item_language": {"attribute_name": "言語", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_language": "jpn"}]}, "item_resource_type": {"attribute_name": "資源タイプ", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"resourcetype": "departmental bulletin paper", "resourceuri": "http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501"}]}, "item_title": "ポナペ島におけるキリスト教の受容をめぐる社会変化", "item_titles": {"attribute_name": "タイトル", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_title": "ポナペ島におけるキリスト教の受容をめぐる社会変化"}, {"subitem_title": "Social Change Involving the Reception of Christianity of Ponape, Micronesia, from the late-1820s to 1886", "subitem_title_language": "en"}]}, "item_type_id": "9", "owner": "17", "path": ["467"], "permalink_uri": "https://doi.org/10.15021/00004420", "pubdate": {"attribute_name": "公開日", "attribute_value": "2010-02-16"}, "publish_date": "2010-02-16", "publish_status": "0", "recid": "4428", "relation": {}, "relation_version_is_last": true, "title": ["ポナペ島におけるキリスト教の受容をめぐる社会変化"], "weko_shared_id": -1}
ポナペ島におけるキリスト教の受容をめぐる社会変化
https://doi.org/10.15021/00004420
https://doi.org/10.15021/000044206e1e8e25-b259-4cd7-ace7-bb9b8d3eb127
名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
---|---|---|
KH_009_4_006.pdf (4.7 MB)
|
|
Item type | 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1) | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
公開日 | 2010-02-16 | |||||
タイトル | ||||||
タイトル | ポナペ島におけるキリスト教の受容をめぐる社会変化 | |||||
タイトル | ||||||
言語 | en | |||||
タイトル | Social Change Involving the Reception of Christianity of Ponape, Micronesia, from the late-1820s to 1886 | |||||
言語 | ||||||
言語 | jpn | |||||
資源タイプ | ||||||
資源タイプ識別子 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||
資源タイプ | departmental bulletin paper | |||||
ID登録 | ||||||
ID登録 | 10.15021/00004420 | |||||
ID登録タイプ | JaLC | |||||
著者 |
中山, 和芳
× 中山, 和芳 |
|||||
抄録 | ||||||
内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||
内容記述 | This paper describes and analyses social change which occurred on Ponape, Micronesia, from the late-1820s to 1886, with special reference to the reception of Christianity among the Ponapeans. Ponape was divided into five autonomous chiefs. The head of the two sets were the Nahnmwarki (paramount chiefs) and the Nahnken (ministers). A man of the two lines was encouraged to marry his father's sister's daughter. Since descent and succession were matrilineal, a son of the Nahnmwarki, or high chief in the Nahnmwarki's line, by a woman in the Nahnken's line would be classified as a member of the Nahnken's line, and could become the Nahnken, and vice versa. The Nahnmwarki and the Nahnken were, therefore, frequently related by blood. Sometimes the latter was the son of the former. The myth on the origin of titles relates that the first Nahnken was the son of the Nahnmwarki. Based on this type of marriage and also the myth, the Nahnken was regarded as the son of the reigning Nahnmwarki, even if there was no blood relationship between them. This fictive-kin relationship sometimes was extended to whole lines, and, further, all subjects stood in the fictive relationship of child to the Nahnmwarki. In the pre-colonial period all land was owned by the Nahnmwarki and the Nahnken. People were obliged to pay tribute to them on many occasions, in return for land use. By contributing yams, pigs, and sakau (kava) to a feast a man could obtain prestige and a. title. Men competed with each other to produce and present the best offerings at the feasts. The Ponapeans emphasized achievement as well as ascription to enhance political status. Therefore, loyality to the Nahnmwarki and the Nahnken, expressed in competitive feasts, provided the opportunity for promotion in the rank system. On Ponape initial contact with Europeans began in the late- 1820s. From the 1830s onward, Ponape attracted a number of white residents. Most were deserters from whaling ships or escaped convicts from Australia. During the rise of the Pacific whaling industry, in the 1840s and 1850s, frequent stopovers by whalers resulted in numerous desertions. The population of beachcombers on Ponape grew steadily from about 50 in 1840 to 150 in 1850. Since first contact with foreign cultures Ponapean society was exposed to European influence and became dependent on world markets to procure European goods. The Ponapeans keenly desired to obtain such Western artifacts as clothes, blankets, muskets and axes, among other things. With few exceptions, these beachcombers lived with Ponapean chiefs and were integrated into indigenous society. Under this arrangement the chiefs entrusted most of the responsibility for the conduct of trade with visiting ships to the whites, who obtained Western goods for their Ponapean patrons. The Ponapean had control over, contact with the West. Tra- ditional social structure played an important role in the changing situations resulting from European impact. The Ponapeans retained their social structure while adopting a wide array of technical changes. The foreign residents adopted behavior patterns different from the Ponapeans. They violated Ponapean taboos, such as eating eels, the clan totem. European reprobates like Thomas Boyd disregarded the chiefs' authority. Nevertheless, they remained secure. The Ponapeans thought that the whites were protected by a different God than the indigenous deities, and the superiority of European civilization and techniques led the Ponapeans to appreciate the power of the Western God. In 1852, American Congregational missionaries came to Ponape. At first Ponapean chiefs welcomed them, expecting an increase in trade with foreign ships. Unlike the beachcombers, the missionaries remained independent from indigenous authority. Soon the chiefs learned that Christian teachings were contradictory to chiefly privileges, and so withdrew their support of missionary work. The smallpox epidemic brought by a whaling ship in 1854 had the most significant effect on Ponapean society. In a short time smallpox spread throughout the island and killed half the population. The death of chiefs provided many opportunities for commoners to obtain high titles, and people vied with each other for promotion in the title system. If a person could not obtain a higher title he simply left his tribe and moved to the other. The chiefs who survived lost power and control over the subjects. Successful inoculation against smallpox given by the missionaries caused the Ponapeans to wonder about the efficacy of their own deities and to appreciate the power of the Christian God. The late-1850s saw a marked decline in the visits of whalers to the island. This resulted in a reduced flow of trade goods and a decline in the number of beachcombers. All these factors gave the missionaries a virtual monopoly of influence and trade, at least temporarily. Interest in the church among the islanders increased. The missionaries worked especially among the commoners, and in 1860 they had formally received into the church their first converts. Church membership grew during the following years. Some chiefs were converted to Christianity so as to be able to utilize the increasing power of the "Missionary Party," whereas others remained opposed to the missionaries. However, as the church members had become predominant, those chiefs who wished to keep control over the people had no choice but to accept Christianity. Eventually, by 1886, four of the five paramount chiefs on Ponape had become baptized. The adoption of Christianity occurred because conversion seemed advantageous to the paramount chiefs as well as to the commoners in their continuing efforts to cope with changing situations. The missionaries did not attempt to destroy the native political system, nor did they always attempt the complete destruction of Ponapean religion. They thought they could use the order maintained under the chieftainship and the concept of gods in indigenous religion for their purposes. Thus they exploited the traditional institutions to gain converts. Ponapean society accepted Christianity through its traditional institutions. The church organization was formed hierarchically. It placed the Christian God at the top, and then in descending order Christ, foreign missionaries, ministers, preachers, deacons, and finally the laymen. By putting the Nahnmwarki and the Nahnken above the ministers, the congregation was grafted upon the traditional authority system. As mentioned above, the Nahnmwarki was regarded as the father of all his subjects. The Christian God was also addressed as our Heavenly Father. The Nahnmwarki is to his subjects what the Western God is to mortals. In that way the new forms of social stratification could be connected easily to indigenous society. Many elements of Ponapean chieftainship were introduced into the mission activities. Ponapean-style feasts were celebrated at the church, with minor modification. And church collections sometimes appeared similar to paying tribute to the chiefs. Many Ponapeans identified the traditional supreme deity and the clan gods with the Christian God. Traditional spirits harmful to the people was regarded as the Evil Spirit or the biblical Satan. Thus the people thought that the existence of the traditional spirits was authorized by Christianity. The Christian God was incorporated into the Ponapean pantheon, and Ponapeans succeeded in manipulating Christianity to serve the preservation of the existing order on the island. Chiefly authority extended to the beachcombers living on the island who conducted trade with foreign ships. Later the Ponapeans came to accept Christianity on their own terms. The procurement of Western goods through the beachcombers and the acceptance of Christianity did not constitute a revolutionary departure from the traditional, way of life. Ponapean society responded to the new situations through existing values and institutions. Therefore, belief in the traditional gods and spirits remained important in native life, as did the authority of the Nahnmwarki and traditional political systems. Cultural continuity was preserved under the impact of foreign influence during the period referred to above. The strength of Ponapean chieftainship remains essentially alive, even today. Acknowledgements I am grateful for a grant from the East-West Center, which made possible my field work on Ponape and archival work in Honolulu. I thank Dr. Samuel Price of the Pacific Studies Institute in Guam, who accepted me as a Research Associate and granted me use of the Institute's facilities on Ponape. I am indebted to Drs. Douglas Oliver, Alice Dewey, Alan Howard, Stephen Boggs, Robert Kiste, Ben Finney and Timothy Macnaught, of the University of. Hawaii, for their advice on my research. My greatest debt is to the people of Ponape Island, especially Messrs. Lianter Elias, Elsin Elias, and their families, who allowed me to share their knowledge and lives. I express my gratitude to them all. |
|||||
書誌情報 |
国立民族学博物館研究報告 en : Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology 巻 9, 号 4, p. 851-914, 発行日 1985-03-28 |
|||||
ISSN | ||||||
収録物識別子タイプ | ISSN | |||||
収録物識別子 | 0385-180X | |||||
書誌レコードID | ||||||
収録物識別子タイプ | NCID | |||||
収録物識別子 | AN00091943 | |||||
著者版フラグ | ||||||
出版タイプ | VoR | |||||
出版タイプResource | http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 | |||||
出版者 | ||||||
出版者 | 国立民族学博物館 | |||||
出版者(英) | ||||||
出版者 | National Museum of Ethnology |