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Subsequent studies on eastern Indonesia\nhave, however, made this hypothesis questionable. Van Wouden\u0027s\nresearch report on Kodi, west Sumba [vAN WOUDEN 1977], one of the\nearliest empirical assessments of the hypothesis, has been of lasting\nsignificance to studies on eastern Indonesia. He \u0027chose Kodi as the site\nfor his research precisely because it offered a prime example of a system\nof double descent\u0027 [Fox 1980: 5]. Nevertheless, the fieldwork revealed\nto him that Kodi, unlike eastern Sumba and Tanimbar, does not have a\nsystem of asymmetric connubium. Hence, he could only reach a conclusion\nwhich was almost the reverse of the aforementioned hypothesis. In\neast Sumba and Tanimbar \u0027a system of unilateral circulating connubium\nunderwent a remarkable development, but at the cost of double descent.\nIn Kodi, exactly the opposite happened. There are no fixed marriage arrangements,\nbut the bilineal principle has been developed to an unusual\nextent, at least in Indonesia\u0027 [vAN WOUDEN 1977: 218-219].\nIt is not impossible, however, that double descent and asymmetric\nalliance coexist in one society. The case of the Lionese of central Flores\nclearly shows that double descent and asymmetric alliance can coexist in\nand animal-like `attribute\u0027 which derived from their totems and has been\ntransmitted through the matrilineal line of descent.\nThe wild plant metaphors are not often used in everyday life; their\nuse is limited to some clearly demarcated social contexts: funeral\nceremonies, obligatory payments of liwu eko (gold ornaments and\nanimals such as water buffaloes, horses and pigs) to a \u0027trunk root\u0027, and\nthe pronouncement of a curse by a `trunk root\u0027. There can be many\nreasons for a `trunk root\u0027 to curse his `branch twig\u0027, but the most common\none is that his `branch twig\u0027 or the wife-taking group to which the\n`branch twig\u0027 belongs has not paid the liwu eko, even after repeated requests\nby the `trunk root\u0027.\nAs previously stated, the relationship between a mother\u0027s brother\nand his sister\u0027s children is conceptualized as that between the giver and\ntaker of `life\u0027 which is compared to cultivated plants. To sustain this\nrelationship, the `branch twig\u0027 must yield to the demands of the `trunk\nroot\u0027 for payment of liwu eko. By doing so, the `branch twig\u0027 is provided\nwith `prosperity\u0027 (rezeki, Indonesian) by the `trunk root\u0027. This `prosperity\u0027,\nhowever, is described in the same series of couplets that are also\nused to pray for a good harvest. Thus the matrilineal relation with the\n`trunk root\u0027 is, by the payment of liwu eko, temporarily transformed into\na relation of affinal alliance which enables the patrilineal line of descent\nto perpetuate itself. And the members of the wife-taking group\ncooperate mutually to transform its members\u0027 matrilineal relation into a\nrelation of affinal alliance by participating in the payments of liwu eko.\nAs Fox has pointed out, in many eastern Indonesian societies,\n`alliance [...] is concerned with the transmission of life. [...] This \"flow\nof life\" is synonymous with the transmission of a woman\u0027s blood, the\nvital fluid that, united with semen, produces the human person\u0027 [Fox\n1980: 12]. However, this vital fluid provided by the wife- (or husband-)\ngiver is not necessarily different from what is transmitted through the\npatrilineal (or matrilineal) line of descent. For instance, in Tana \u0027Ai\nwhere, unlike among the surrounding peoples, matriclanship has\ndeveloped to a great extent, `both parents are viewed as contributing\nblood to the child, but the distinctions made in most conversation with\nregard to the discrimination of paternal and maternal bloods are a matter\nof social classification and not physiology [LEwis 1988: 258]. Furthermore,\nBarnes clarifies patrilineal descent among the Kedang as\nfollows: `What lies behind the Kedang conception of patirilineal descent\nis the common tie to some woman. Agnatic ties are based on shared\nblood originally acquired from another group\u0027 [BARNES 1980: 79; cf.\nBARNES 1974: 248]. Similarly, in Tana Lise, `cultivated plants\u0027 provid-\ned by the wife-giver are identified vaguely with the \u0027blood\u0027 transmitted\nthrough the patrilineal line of descent. Considering that, as among the\nKedang, a system of asymmetric prescriptive alliance exists in Tana Lise,\nthis system does not require the qualitative difference between what is\nprovided by the wife- (or husband-) giver and what is transmitted\nthrough the patrilineal (or matrilineal) line of descent. In Tana Lise,\nhowever, what is passed through the matrilineal line of descent sharply\ncontrasts with what is transmitted through the patrilineal line of descent,\nand this complementary contrast between the two types of descent bears\na striking resemblance to the complementarity of matrilineal and\npatrilineal descent in Kodi.\nThe systems of double descent in Kodi and Tana Lise are almost\nidentical in that they are based on the complementary opposition between\n\u0027wild (or natural) \u0027 as \u0027origin\u0027 and \u0027tame (or cultural) \u0027 as its\ntransformed `derivation\u0027. Furthermore, both in Kodi and Tana Lise,\nthe \u0027life\u0027 provided by the \u0027wild\u0027 realm is conceptualized by the metaphor\nof \u0027bitterness\u0027, and matrilineal descent is conceived as the main source of\nthe \u0027life\u0027 enabling the patrilineal lines of descent to perpetuate\nthemselves. However, in spite of these similarities in their systems of\ndouble descent, Tana Lise has a system of asymmetric prescriptive\nalliance and Kodi does not. This suggests that double descent and asymmetric\nprescriptive alliance are mutually independent social facts. It\nseems that among the various types of systems, in which social organization\nis related to the complementary opposition between the \u0027wild\u0027 and\nthe \u0027tame\u0027 widespread in eastern Indonesian societies, the systems of double\ndescent in Tana Ilse and Kodi are of the same type.", "subitem_description_type": "Abstract"}]}, "item_9_identifier_registration": {"attribute_name": "ID登録", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_identifier_reg_text": "10.15021/00004222", "subitem_identifier_reg_type": "JaLC"}]}, "item_9_publisher_33": {"attribute_name": "出版者", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_publisher": "国立民族学博物館"}]}, "item_9_publisher_34": {"attribute_name": "出版者(英)", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_publisher": "National Museum of Ethnology"}]}, "item_9_source_id_10": {"attribute_name": "書誌レコードID", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_source_identifier": "AN00091943", "subitem_source_identifier_type": "NCID"}]}, "item_9_source_id_8": {"attribute_name": "ISSN", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_source_identifier": "0385-180X", "subitem_source_identifier_type": "ISSN"}]}, "item_9_version_type_16": {"attribute_name": "著者版フラグ", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_version_resource": "http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85", "subitem_version_type": "VoR"}]}, "item_creator": {"attribute_name": "著者", "attribute_type": "creator", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"creatorNames": [{"creatorName": "杉島, 敬志"}, {"creatorName": "スギシマ, タカシ", "creatorNameLang": "ja-Kana"}, {"creatorName": "Sugishima, Takashi", "creatorNameLang": "en"}], "nameIdentifiers": [{"nameIdentifier": "11114", "nameIdentifierScheme": "WEKO"}]}]}, "item_files": {"attribute_name": "ファイル情報", "attribute_type": "file", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"accessrole": "open_date", "date": [{"dateType": "Available", "dateValue": "2015-11-19"}], "displaytype": "detail", "download_preview_message": "", "file_order": 0, "filename": "KH_018_2_001.pdf", "filesize": [{"value": "2.5 MB"}], "format": "application/pdf", "future_date_message": "", "is_thumbnail": false, "licensetype": "license_free", "mimetype": "application/pdf", "size": 2500000.0, "url": {"label": "KH_018_2_001.pdf", "url": "https://minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp/record/4230/files/KH_018_2_001.pdf"}, "version_id": "0956a055-eb2e-4664-811f-2dd7def77849"}]}, "item_keyword": {"attribute_name": "キーワード", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_subject": "東インドネシア|リオ族|二重出自|非対称縁組|植物隠喩", "subitem_subject_scheme": "Other"}, {"subitem_subject": "eastern Indonesia|the Lionese|double descent|asymmetric alliance|botanical metaphor", "subitem_subject_language": "en", "subitem_subject_scheme": "Other"}]}, "item_language": {"attribute_name": "言語", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_language": "jpn"}]}, "item_resource_type": {"attribute_name": "資源タイプ", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"resourcetype": "departmental bulletin paper", "resourceuri": "http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501"}]}, "item_title": "二種類の植物隠喩 : リオ族における二重出自と非対称縁組", "item_titles": {"attribute_name": "タイトル", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_title": "二種類の植物隠喩 : リオ族における二重出自と非対称縁組"}, {"subitem_title": "Two Kinds of Botanical Metaphors : Double Descent and Asymmetric Alliance among the Lionese of Central Flores", "subitem_title_language": "en"}]}, "item_type_id": "9", "owner": "17", "path": ["433"], "permalink_uri": "https://doi.org/10.15021/00004222", "pubdate": {"attribute_name": "公開日", "attribute_value": "2010-02-16"}, "publish_date": "2010-02-16", "publish_status": "0", "recid": "4230", "relation": {}, "relation_version_is_last": true, "title": ["二種類の植物隠喩 : リオ族における二重出自と非対称縁組"], "weko_shared_id": -1}
二種類の植物隠喩 : リオ族における二重出自と非対称縁組
https://doi.org/10.15021/00004222
https://doi.org/10.15021/00004222cb84da3f-786b-4963-9e14-19e034dbb08c
名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
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KH_018_2_001.pdf (2.5 MB)
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Item type | 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1) | |||||
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公開日 | 2010-02-16 | |||||
タイトル | ||||||
タイトル | 二種類の植物隠喩 : リオ族における二重出自と非対称縁組 | |||||
タイトル | ||||||
言語 | en | |||||
タイトル | Two Kinds of Botanical Metaphors : Double Descent and Asymmetric Alliance among the Lionese of Central Flores | |||||
言語 | ||||||
言語 | jpn | |||||
キーワード | ||||||
主題Scheme | Other | |||||
主題 | 東インドネシア|リオ族|二重出自|非対称縁組|植物隠喩 | |||||
キーワード | ||||||
言語 | en | |||||
主題Scheme | Other | |||||
主題 | eastern Indonesia|the Lionese|double descent|asymmetric alliance|botanical metaphor | |||||
資源タイプ | ||||||
資源タイプ識別子 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||
資源タイプ | departmental bulletin paper | |||||
ID登録 | ||||||
ID登録 | 10.15021/00004222 | |||||
ID登録タイプ | JaLC | |||||
著者 |
杉島, 敬志
× 杉島, 敬志 |
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抄録 | ||||||
内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||
内容記述 | Until the 1950's, Dutch anthropologists studying Indonesia generally supported the hypothesis that double descent and asymmetric connubium were 'inextricably related to each other in a single structure' [DE JOSSELIN DE .TONG 1984: 243]. Subsequent studies on eastern Indonesia have, however, made this hypothesis questionable. Van Wouden's research report on Kodi, west Sumba [vAN WOUDEN 1977], one of the earliest empirical assessments of the hypothesis, has been of lasting significance to studies on eastern Indonesia. He 'chose Kodi as the site for his research precisely because it offered a prime example of a system of double descent' [Fox 1980: 5]. Nevertheless, the fieldwork revealed to him that Kodi, unlike eastern Sumba and Tanimbar, does not have a system of asymmetric connubium. Hence, he could only reach a conclusion which was almost the reverse of the aforementioned hypothesis. In east Sumba and Tanimbar 'a system of unilateral circulating connubium underwent a remarkable development, but at the cost of double descent. In Kodi, exactly the opposite happened. There are no fixed marriage arrangements, but the bilineal principle has been developed to an unusual extent, at least in Indonesia' [vAN WOUDEN 1977: 218-219]. It is not impossible, however, that double descent and asymmetric alliance coexist in one society. The case of the Lionese of central Flores clearly shows that double descent and asymmetric alliance can coexist in and animal-like `attribute' which derived from their totems and has been transmitted through the matrilineal line of descent. The wild plant metaphors are not often used in everyday life; their use is limited to some clearly demarcated social contexts: funeral ceremonies, obligatory payments of liwu eko (gold ornaments and animals such as water buffaloes, horses and pigs) to a 'trunk root', and the pronouncement of a curse by a `trunk root'. There can be many reasons for a `trunk root' to curse his `branch twig', but the most common one is that his `branch twig' or the wife-taking group to which the `branch twig' belongs has not paid the liwu eko, even after repeated requests by the `trunk root'. As previously stated, the relationship between a mother's brother and his sister's children is conceptualized as that between the giver and taker of `life' which is compared to cultivated plants. To sustain this relationship, the `branch twig' must yield to the demands of the `trunk root' for payment of liwu eko. By doing so, the `branch twig' is provided with `prosperity' (rezeki, Indonesian) by the `trunk root'. This `prosperity', however, is described in the same series of couplets that are also used to pray for a good harvest. Thus the matrilineal relation with the `trunk root' is, by the payment of liwu eko, temporarily transformed into a relation of affinal alliance which enables the patrilineal line of descent to perpetuate itself. And the members of the wife-taking group cooperate mutually to transform its members' matrilineal relation into a relation of affinal alliance by participating in the payments of liwu eko. As Fox has pointed out, in many eastern Indonesian societies, `alliance [...] is concerned with the transmission of life. [...] This "flow of life" is synonymous with the transmission of a woman's blood, the vital fluid that, united with semen, produces the human person' [Fox 1980: 12]. However, this vital fluid provided by the wife- (or husband-) giver is not necessarily different from what is transmitted through the patrilineal (or matrilineal) line of descent. For instance, in Tana 'Ai where, unlike among the surrounding peoples, matriclanship has developed to a great extent, `both parents are viewed as contributing blood to the child, but the distinctions made in most conversation with regard to the discrimination of paternal and maternal bloods are a matter of social classification and not physiology [LEwis 1988: 258]. Furthermore, Barnes clarifies patrilineal descent among the Kedang as follows: `What lies behind the Kedang conception of patirilineal descent is the common tie to some woman. Agnatic ties are based on shared blood originally acquired from another group' [BARNES 1980: 79; cf. BARNES 1974: 248]. Similarly, in Tana Lise, `cultivated plants' provid- ed by the wife-giver are identified vaguely with the 'blood' transmitted through the patrilineal line of descent. Considering that, as among the Kedang, a system of asymmetric prescriptive alliance exists in Tana Lise, this system does not require the qualitative difference between what is provided by the wife- (or husband-) giver and what is transmitted through the patrilineal (or matrilineal) line of descent. In Tana Lise, however, what is passed through the matrilineal line of descent sharply contrasts with what is transmitted through the patrilineal line of descent, and this complementary contrast between the two types of descent bears a striking resemblance to the complementarity of matrilineal and patrilineal descent in Kodi. The systems of double descent in Kodi and Tana Lise are almost identical in that they are based on the complementary opposition between 'wild (or natural) ' as 'origin' and 'tame (or cultural) ' as its transformed `derivation'. Furthermore, both in Kodi and Tana Lise, the 'life' provided by the 'wild' realm is conceptualized by the metaphor of 'bitterness', and matrilineal descent is conceived as the main source of the 'life' enabling the patrilineal lines of descent to perpetuate themselves. However, in spite of these similarities in their systems of double descent, Tana Lise has a system of asymmetric prescriptive alliance and Kodi does not. This suggests that double descent and asymmetric prescriptive alliance are mutually independent social facts. It seems that among the various types of systems, in which social organization is related to the complementary opposition between the 'wild' and the 'tame' widespread in eastern Indonesian societies, the systems of double descent in Tana Ilse and Kodi are of the same type. |
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書誌情報 |
国立民族学博物館研究報告 en : Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology 巻 18, 号 2, p. 183-219, 発行日 1993-12-22 |
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ISSN | ||||||
収録物識別子タイプ | ISSN | |||||
収録物識別子 | 0385-180X | |||||
書誌レコードID | ||||||
収録物識別子タイプ | NCID | |||||
収録物識別子 | AN00091943 | |||||
著者版フラグ | ||||||
出版タイプ | VoR | |||||
出版タイプResource | http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 | |||||
出版者 | ||||||
出版者 | 国立民族学博物館 | |||||
出版者(英) | ||||||
出版者 | National Museum of Ethnology |