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  1. 国立民族学博物館研究報告
  2. 19巻1号

ヒリモトゥ語の類型:辞順と後置詞 : KWIC資料に基づく通言語的研究

https://doi.org/10.15021/00004207
https://doi.org/10.15021/00004207
92cfc29e-46b8-4414-9146-e94425cc1201
名前 / ファイル ライセンス アクション
KH_019_1_001.pdf KH_019_1_001.pdf (795.4 kB)
Item type 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1)
公開日 2010-02-16
タイトル
タイトル ヒリモトゥ語の類型:辞順と後置詞 : KWIC資料に基づく通言語的研究
タイトル
タイトル Affix Order and Postpositions in Hiri Motu : A Cross-Linguistic Survey
言語 en
言語
言語 jpn
キーワード
主題Scheme Other
主題 オーストロネシア語族2型|日本語|語順|主題化|転位陰題
キーワード
言語 en
主題Scheme Other
主題 Austronesian Type II|Japanese|word order|topicalization|implicit topic
資源タイプ
資源タイプ識別子 http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501
資源タイプ departmental bulletin paper
ID登録
ID登録 10.15021/00004207
ID登録タイプ JaLC
著者 崎山, 理

× 崎山, 理

崎山, 理

ja-Kana サキヤマ , オサム

en Sakiyama , Osamu

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抄録
内容記述タイプ Abstract
内容記述 In this paper I compare certain postpositional particles in Hiri Motu
and Japanese. Hiri Motu is one of the SOV type Austronesian
languages, known as Austronesian Type II, which is spoken around Port
Moresby, Papua New Guinea as the principal lingua franca. In particular
I compare the use of Hiri Motu topic maker be and actor marker
ese with Japanese postpositions wa (topic) and ga (nominative) . The
study is based on the language data from the Hiri Motu version of the
New Testament (the Gospel) , which has been made into the Key-Wordin-
Context (KWIC) at the National Museum of Ethnology. In this text,
be and ese are used up to 3,789 and 2,108 times, respectively.
Hiri Motu and Japanese apparently follow the same word order, i.e.
SOV, but as far as the syntactic device is concerned, the affix order in
Hiri Motu, i.e. sVo (s: subjective prefix, o: objective suffix) should be
recognized as a distinct type of Japanese word order, reflecting
anaphorically S and 0 within a sentence and forming a smallest sentence
nucleus grammatically.
As the result of an exhaustive survey, the present paper points out
that be in Hiri Motu is able to topicalize the whole elements including ese
phrase in a sentence, such as `taunina ese be ... (the body-actor ...)' (the
only example: Mat vi. 25) , `daika be ... (who ... ?)' (9 examples: Luk
ix. 46, etc.) , being different from Japanese in that the chaining ga + wa,
or interrogatives + wa is ungrammatical, by reason that the ga-marked
subject expresses non-topic in opposition to the wa-marked topic, and
interrogatives cannot be topicalized for their indefiniteness. Regarding
this phenomenon, the chaining `... ga + interrogatives' doesn't occur in
Japanese. This improbability is caused by the reason that the chaining
`... ga + interrogatives' presumes such an implicitly topicalized sentence
as ' (interrogative + wa) ... ga + interrogative', and that, after all, the
interrogative becomes topic.
What is interesting is that the combination `... ese + interrogative'
is unacceptable in Hiri Motu too, but this outward coincidence results
from the different reason that the ese-marked actor semantically forms
the exclusive relation with interrogatives in Hiri Motu, and it seems that
the new tendency is appearing, rather focussing the actor in itself
pragmatically, as seen in such a sentence `Tau ese daika is dogoatao?'
(Whom [daika] is the man [tau] holding [dogoatao]?) .
書誌情報 国立民族学博物館研究報告
en : Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology

巻 19, 号 1, p. 1-17, 発行日 1994-08-25
出版者
出版者 国立民族学博物館
出版者(英)
出版者 National Museum of Ethnology
ISSN
収録物識別子タイプ ISSN
収録物識別子 0385-180X
書誌レコードID
収録物識別子タイプ NCID
収録物識別子 AN00091943
著者版フラグ
出版タイプ VoR
出版タイプResource http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85
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Cite as

Sakiyama , Osamu, 1994, Affix Order and Postpositions in Hiri Motu : A Cross-Linguistic Survey: 国立民族学博物館, 1–17 p.

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