ヒリモトゥ語の類型：辞順と後置詞 : KWIC資料に基づく通言語的研究

崎山 理

ヒリモトゥ語の類型：辞順と後置詞 : KWIC資料に基づく通言語的研究利用統計を見る

File / Name	License
KH_019_1_001.pdf
KH_019_1_001.pdf (795.38KB) [ 101 downloads ]

JaLC DOI	info:doi/10.15021/00004207
タイトル(英)	Affix Order and Postpositions in Hiri Motu : A Cross-Linguistic Survey
アイテムタイプ	紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper
言語	日本語
キーワード	オーストロネシア語族2型, 日本語, 語順, 主題化, 転位陰題
キーワード(英)	Austronesian Type II, Japanese, word order, topicalization, implicit topic
著者	崎山理 / サキヤマオサム
著者(英)	Osamu Sakiyama
抄録	In this paper I compare certain postpositional particles in Hiri Motu and Japanese. Hiri Motu is one of the SOV type Austronesian languages, known as Austronesian Type II, which is spoken around Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea as the principal lingua franca. In particular I compare the use of Hiri Motu topic maker be and actor marker ese with Japanese postpositions wa (topic) and ga (nominative) . The study is based on the language data from the Hiri Motu version of the New Testament (the Gospel) , which has been made into the Key-Wordin- Context (KWIC) at the National Museum of Ethnology. In this text, be and ese are used up to 3,789 and 2,108 times, respectively. Hiri Motu and Japanese apparently follow the same word order, i.e. SOV, but as far as the syntactic device is concerned, the affix order in Hiri Motu, i.e. sVo (s: subjective prefix, o: objective suffix) should be recognized as a distinct type of Japanese word order, reflecting anaphorically S and 0 within a sentence and forming a smallest sentence nucleus grammatically. As the result of an exhaustive survey, the present paper points out that be in Hiri Motu is able to topicalize the whole elements including ese phrase in a sentence, such as `taunina ese be ... (the body-actor ...)' (the only example: Mat vi. 25) , `daika be ... (who ... ?)' (9 examples: Luk ix. 46, etc.) , being different from Japanese in that the chaining ga + wa, or interrogatives + wa is ungrammatical, by reason that the ga-marked subject expresses non-topic in opposition to the wa-marked topic, and interrogatives cannot be topicalized for their indefiniteness. Regarding this phenomenon, the chaining `... ga + interrogatives' doesn't occur in Japanese. This improbability is caused by the reason that the chaining `... ga + interrogatives' presumes such an implicitly topicalized sentence as ' (interrogative + wa) ... ga + interrogative', and that, after all, the interrogative becomes topic. What is interesting is that the combination `... ese + interrogative' is unacceptable in Hiri Motu too, but this outward coincidence results from the different reason that the ese-marked actor semantically forms the exclusive relation with interrogatives in Hiri Motu, and it seems that the new tendency is appearing, rather focussing the actor in itself pragmatically, as seen in such a sentence `Tau ese daika is dogoatao?' (Whom [daika] is the man [tau] holding [dogoatao]?) .
雑誌名	国立民族学博物館研究報告
雑誌名(英)	Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology
巻	19
号	1
ページ	1 - 17
発行年	1994-08-25
ISSN	0385-180X
書誌レコードID	AN00091943
著者版フラグ	publisher
出版者	国立民族学博物館
出版者（英）	National Museum of Ethnology

■主要収録誌一覧

お知らせ

機関リポジトリ

Language

インデックスツリー

ヒリモトゥ語の類型：辞順と後置詞 : KWIC資料に基づく通言語的研究利用統計を見る

関連情報

他機関のリポジトリ

■主要収録誌一覧

お知らせ

機関リポジトリ

Language

インデックスツリー

ヒリモトゥ語の類型：辞順と後置詞 : KWIC資料に基づく通言語的研究 利用統計を見る

関連情報

他機関のリポジトリ

ヒリモトゥ語の類型：辞順と後置詞 : KWIC資料に基づく通言語的研究利用統計を見る