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In |Gui/||Gana society, newborn babies are most usually\nnamed by their father, or less frequently by their mother or other\nkinsmen, after some conspicuous incident which occurred during\npregnancy or infancy. The primary purpose of this investigation is to\nelucidate the social, cultural, and historical contexts underlying the personal\nnames, by analyzing the anecdotes from which they were derived.\nIn order to prepare the theoretical background, semiotic and\nphilosophical arguments about proper names are briefly reviewed.\nAgreeing with the \"causal scheme of reference\" proposed by Kripke, I\nwish to emphasize the following 2 points as the most basic conditions\nunder which a proper name functions as a \"rigid designator\" that refers\nto the same individual in every possible world: (a) An individual is\nperceived as a discrete unit, and (b) The name is given by the other (s)\nto this unit. More specifically, for the anthropological investigation of\npersonal names, it is useful to distinguish the following three aspects.\n(a) The denotation of a name: often accompanied with some qualifier, it\nnecessarily refers to an individual. ((3) The signifying function of a\nname: So far as it is composed of various grammatical particles, or lexemes,\nit has a literal meaning. (r) The connotation of a name: in the\nwhole set of names specific to any society, each one, being opposed to the\nothers, might have some positional value in the structure.\nA quantitative analysis was carried out of cases collected from 202\npersons (94 males and 108 females) . Six age brackets were distinguished;\nOld, Middle, Adult, Young adult, Adolescent, and Juvenile.\nMost of those belonging to the last bracket were born after the enforcement\nof the Remote Area Development Programme starting in 1979,\nwhich promoted sedentarization. Near 70 percent of those in this\nbracket had names of Setswana origin. This indicates that the traditional\n|Gui/||Gana naming practice of their own language is now under a\nrapid process of extinction. Those names for which the original\nSetswana words could not be ascertained were excluded from the following\nanalysis. Thus the names of 167 persons, including only 2 pairs with\nthe same name, were analyzed in detail.\nThe anecdotes after which these 167 persons had been named were\nclassified into the following types; (1 ) circumstances of the marriage,\n(2) the physical condition of the mother during the prenatal or\nneonatal periods, (3) conflict derived from extra-marital sexual relationships\ncalled \u0027zaaku,\u0027 (4) other kinds of conflict between husband and\nwife, (5) social conflict, (6) economic conflict, (7) relationship with\nthe Bakgalagadi agro-pastoralists (` + kebe\u0027) , (8) hunting/gathering,\n(9) the name of land, (10) sociability, and (11) the appearance or\nphysical condition of the infant. Type (3) included the most frequent\ncases, which indicates the special significance of the \u0027zaaku\u0027 relationship\nfor the social life of the |Gui/||Gana. More than 40 percent of the total\ncases could be categorized into the broader class of \"conflict\" that includes\ntypes (3 )—( 6) . This point suggests that the primary signifying\nfunction of the |Gui/||Gana names is to encode negative insinuations\ntargeting one\u0027s conjugal partner, kinsmen, or co-residents. Examining\nthe distribution of the above types of anecdote among the age brackets,\ntype (7), i.e., the relationship with the Bakgalagadi, was significantly frequent\nin the Old/Middle bracket. This reflects the more memorable\nnature of contact with the Bantu agro-pastoralists more than half a century\nago compared to recent times.\nThe process of naming was analyzed over a span of time after the\nbirth of a child. This analysis revealed that the name was not determined\nby an arbitrary decision of the father or mother, but gradually\nnegotiated through communal interpretation of the social context in\nwhich its birth had been embedded. Several cases of naming were\nscrutinized over the course of the life history of a few old male informants.\nEspecially, the narrative by an old I Gui man supplied evidence\nthat the |Gui/||Gana had maintained a reciprocal relationship with\nanother San linguistic group, the Eastern + Hoa, seeking refuge in each\nother\u0027s territory in severe drought.\nThe investigation was also directed at the various ways in which people\nreferred to or addressed one another in everyday conversation. As\nthe most personal names of the |Gui/||Gana are composed of common\nnouns and verbs, the literal meaning of each name cannot help being\nevoked at each usage for reference. Therefore the encoded content of a\nname is open to the possibility of re-interpretation which may not\nnecessarily coincide with the original context of naming. As practical\ndevices for reference, nicknames are most common between joking partners,\nwhile teknonymy, \"father/mother of X (the name of the first\nchild) ,\" is preferred to the personal name when addressing an adult.\nThis naming custom among the |Gui/||Gana stands in sharp contrast\nto the \"homonymous method\" and \"name relationship\" among the !Kung\nSan. According to the terminology proposed by A. Deguchi, these two\nSan groups respectively exemplify opposite poles of a naming system,\n\"differentiation\" and \"iteration .\" The discussion concentrates on how\nthe !Kung and the | Gui/||Gana make use of this specific symbolic\nresource, the personal name. The !Kung make best use of this resource\nto manipulate ongoing social relationships, while the |Gui/||Gana,\nthrough the process of naming, interpret and/or understand personal experience\nin a specific socio-cultural context, so as to communally\nmemorize and memorialize this interpretation and/or understanding.\nIn this sense, the naming custom of the |Gui/||Gana embodies a unique\nmnemonic device. Although a similar naming system is very common\namong various Bantu cultures, including Tswana, the peculiar feature of\nthe |Gui/||Gana is that the kinds of name are quite divergent, resulting\nin a low proportion of \"the same name.\" It is concluded that this\ndivergence reflects the most essential characteristics of the everyday field\nof | Gui/||Gana discourse, where naming is contiguous with ordinary\nspeech.\n\n", "subitem_description_type": "Abstract"}]}, "item_9_identifier_registration": {"attribute_name": "ID登録", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_identifier_reg_text": "10.15021/00004150", "subitem_identifier_reg_type": "JaLC"}]}, "item_9_publisher_33": {"attribute_name": "出版者", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_publisher": "国立民族学博物館"}]}, "item_9_publisher_34": {"attribute_name": "出版者(英)", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_publisher": "National Museum of Ethnology"}]}, "item_9_source_id_10": {"attribute_name": "書誌レコードID", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_source_identifier": "AN00091943", "subitem_source_identifier_type": "NCID"}]}, "item_9_source_id_8": {"attribute_name": "ISSN", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_source_identifier": "0385-180X", "subitem_source_identifier_type": "ISSN"}]}, "item_9_version_type_16": {"attribute_name": "著者版フラグ", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_version_resource": "http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85", "subitem_version_type": "VoR"}]}, "item_creator": {"attribute_name": "著者", "attribute_type": "creator", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"creatorNames": [{"creatorName": "菅原, 和孝"}, {"creatorName": "スガワラ, カズヨシ", "creatorNameLang": "ja-Kana"}, {"creatorName": "Sugawara, Kazuyoshi", "creatorNameLang": "en"}], "nameIdentifiers": [{"nameIdentifier": "8290", "nameIdentifierScheme": "WEKO"}]}]}, "item_files": {"attribute_name": "ファイル情報", "attribute_type": "file", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"accessrole": "open_date", "date": [{"dateType": "Available", "dateValue": "2015-11-19"}], "displaytype": "detail", "download_preview_message": "", "file_order": 0, "filename": "KH_022_1_001.pdf", "filesize": [{"value": "5.9 MB"}], "format": "application/pdf", "future_date_message": "", "is_thumbnail": false, "licensetype": "license_free", "mimetype": "application/pdf", "size": 5900000.0, "url": {"label": "KH_022_1_001.pdf", "url": "https://minpaku.repo.nii.ac.jp/record/4158/files/KH_022_1_001.pdf"}, "version_id": "99eda3d2-4c7d-4d00-a3d6-ba35165c7995"}]}, "item_keyword": {"attribute_name": "キーワード", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_subject": "グイ/ガナ・サン|カデ地域|社会的葛藤|指示|共同的記憶", "subitem_subject_scheme": "Other"}, {"subitem_subject_language": "en", "subitem_subject_scheme": "Other"}, {"subitem_subject": "Gui and", "subitem_subject_language": "en", "subitem_subject_scheme": "Other"}, {"subitem_subject_language": "en", "subitem_subject_scheme": "Other"}, {"subitem_subject": "Gana San|Xade area|social conflict|reference|communal", "subitem_subject_language": "en", "subitem_subject_scheme": "Other"}]}, "item_language": {"attribute_name": "言語", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_language": "jpn"}]}, "item_resource_type": {"attribute_name": "資源タイプ", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"resourcetype": "departmental bulletin paper", "resourceuri": "http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501"}]}, "item_title": "記憶装置としての名前 : セントラル・サン(|Guiと||Gana)における個人名の民族誌", "item_titles": {"attribute_name": "タイトル", "attribute_value_mlt": [{"subitem_title": "記憶装置としての名前 : セントラル・サン(|Guiと||Gana)における個人名の民族誌"}, {"subitem_title": "A Name as a Mnemonic Device : An Ethnographic Study of Personal Names among the Central San(|Gui and ||Gana)", "subitem_title_language": "en"}]}, "item_type_id": "9", "owner": "17", "path": ["418"], "permalink_uri": "https://doi.org/10.15021/00004150", "pubdate": {"attribute_name": "公開日", "attribute_value": "2010-02-16"}, "publish_date": "2010-02-16", "publish_status": "0", "recid": "4158", "relation": {}, "relation_version_is_last": true, "title": ["記憶装置としての名前 : セントラル・サン(|Guiと||Gana)における個人名の民族誌"], "weko_shared_id": -1}
記憶装置としての名前 : セントラル・サン(|Guiと||Gana)における個人名の民族誌
https://doi.org/10.15021/00004150
https://doi.org/10.15021/000041508dc2ba57-e870-40f4-9153-76db62c00b39
名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
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KH_022_1_001.pdf (5.9 MB)
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Item type | 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1) | |||||
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公開日 | 2010-02-16 | |||||
タイトル | ||||||
タイトル | 記憶装置としての名前 : セントラル・サン(|Guiと||Gana)における個人名の民族誌 | |||||
タイトル | ||||||
言語 | en | |||||
タイトル | A Name as a Mnemonic Device : An Ethnographic Study of Personal Names among the Central San(|Gui and ||Gana) | |||||
言語 | ||||||
言語 | jpn | |||||
キーワード | ||||||
主題Scheme | Other | |||||
主題 | グイ/ガナ・サン|カデ地域|社会的葛藤|指示|共同的記憶 | |||||
キーワード | ||||||
言語 | en | |||||
主題Scheme | Other | |||||
キーワード | ||||||
言語 | en | |||||
主題Scheme | Other | |||||
主題 | Gui and | |||||
キーワード | ||||||
言語 | en | |||||
主題Scheme | Other | |||||
キーワード | ||||||
言語 | en | |||||
主題Scheme | Other | |||||
主題 | Gana San|Xade area|social conflict|reference|communal | |||||
資源タイプ | ||||||
資源タイプ識別子 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||
資源タイプ | departmental bulletin paper | |||||
ID登録 | ||||||
ID登録 | 10.15021/00004150 | |||||
ID登録タイプ | JaLC | |||||
著者 |
菅原, 和孝
× 菅原, 和孝 |
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抄録 | ||||||
内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||
内容記述 | This paper investigates the naming convention of the I Guikhoe and ||Ganakhoe San (abbreviated as |Gui/||Gana) , inhabiting the Xade area in the mid western part of the Central Kalahari Game Reserve, Botswana. In |Gui/||Gana society, newborn babies are most usually named by their father, or less frequently by their mother or other kinsmen, after some conspicuous incident which occurred during pregnancy or infancy. The primary purpose of this investigation is to elucidate the social, cultural, and historical contexts underlying the personal names, by analyzing the anecdotes from which they were derived. In order to prepare the theoretical background, semiotic and philosophical arguments about proper names are briefly reviewed. Agreeing with the "causal scheme of reference" proposed by Kripke, I wish to emphasize the following 2 points as the most basic conditions under which a proper name functions as a "rigid designator" that refers to the same individual in every possible world: (a) An individual is perceived as a discrete unit, and (b) The name is given by the other (s) to this unit. More specifically, for the anthropological investigation of personal names, it is useful to distinguish the following three aspects. (a) The denotation of a name: often accompanied with some qualifier, it necessarily refers to an individual. ((3) The signifying function of a name: So far as it is composed of various grammatical particles, or lexemes, it has a literal meaning. (r) The connotation of a name: in the whole set of names specific to any society, each one, being opposed to the others, might have some positional value in the structure. A quantitative analysis was carried out of cases collected from 202 persons (94 males and 108 females) . Six age brackets were distinguished; Old, Middle, Adult, Young adult, Adolescent, and Juvenile. Most of those belonging to the last bracket were born after the enforcement of the Remote Area Development Programme starting in 1979, which promoted sedentarization. Near 70 percent of those in this bracket had names of Setswana origin. This indicates that the traditional |Gui/||Gana naming practice of their own language is now under a rapid process of extinction. Those names for which the original Setswana words could not be ascertained were excluded from the following analysis. Thus the names of 167 persons, including only 2 pairs with the same name, were analyzed in detail. The anecdotes after which these 167 persons had been named were classified into the following types; (1 ) circumstances of the marriage, (2) the physical condition of the mother during the prenatal or neonatal periods, (3) conflict derived from extra-marital sexual relationships called 'zaaku,' (4) other kinds of conflict between husband and wife, (5) social conflict, (6) economic conflict, (7) relationship with the Bakgalagadi agro-pastoralists (` + kebe') , (8) hunting/gathering, (9) the name of land, (10) sociability, and (11) the appearance or physical condition of the infant. Type (3) included the most frequent cases, which indicates the special significance of the 'zaaku' relationship for the social life of the |Gui/||Gana. More than 40 percent of the total cases could be categorized into the broader class of "conflict" that includes types (3 )—( 6) . This point suggests that the primary signifying function of the |Gui/||Gana names is to encode negative insinuations targeting one's conjugal partner, kinsmen, or co-residents. Examining the distribution of the above types of anecdote among the age brackets, type (7), i.e., the relationship with the Bakgalagadi, was significantly frequent in the Old/Middle bracket. This reflects the more memorable nature of contact with the Bantu agro-pastoralists more than half a century ago compared to recent times. The process of naming was analyzed over a span of time after the birth of a child. This analysis revealed that the name was not determined by an arbitrary decision of the father or mother, but gradually negotiated through communal interpretation of the social context in which its birth had been embedded. Several cases of naming were scrutinized over the course of the life history of a few old male informants. Especially, the narrative by an old I Gui man supplied evidence that the |Gui/||Gana had maintained a reciprocal relationship with another San linguistic group, the Eastern + Hoa, seeking refuge in each other's territory in severe drought. The investigation was also directed at the various ways in which people referred to or addressed one another in everyday conversation. As the most personal names of the |Gui/||Gana are composed of common nouns and verbs, the literal meaning of each name cannot help being evoked at each usage for reference. Therefore the encoded content of a name is open to the possibility of re-interpretation which may not necessarily coincide with the original context of naming. As practical devices for reference, nicknames are most common between joking partners, while teknonymy, "father/mother of X (the name of the first child) ," is preferred to the personal name when addressing an adult. This naming custom among the |Gui/||Gana stands in sharp contrast to the "homonymous method" and "name relationship" among the !Kung San. According to the terminology proposed by A. Deguchi, these two San groups respectively exemplify opposite poles of a naming system, "differentiation" and "iteration ." The discussion concentrates on how the !Kung and the | Gui/||Gana make use of this specific symbolic resource, the personal name. The !Kung make best use of this resource to manipulate ongoing social relationships, while the |Gui/||Gana, through the process of naming, interpret and/or understand personal experience in a specific socio-cultural context, so as to communally memorize and memorialize this interpretation and/or understanding. In this sense, the naming custom of the |Gui/||Gana embodies a unique mnemonic device. Although a similar naming system is very common among various Bantu cultures, including Tswana, the peculiar feature of the |Gui/||Gana is that the kinds of name are quite divergent, resulting in a low proportion of "the same name." It is concluded that this divergence reflects the most essential characteristics of the everyday field of | Gui/||Gana discourse, where naming is contiguous with ordinary speech. |
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書誌情報 |
国立民族学博物館研究報告 en : Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology 巻 22, 号 1, p. 1-92, 発行日 1997-08-29 |
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ISSN | ||||||
収録物識別子タイプ | ISSN | |||||
収録物識別子 | 0385-180X | |||||
書誌レコードID | ||||||
収録物識別子タイプ | NCID | |||||
収録物識別子 | AN00091943 | |||||
著者版フラグ | ||||||
出版タイプ | VoR | |||||
出版タイプResource | http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 | |||||
出版者 | ||||||
出版者 | 国立民族学博物館 | |||||
出版者(英) | ||||||
出版者 | National Museum of Ethnology |